Korean Division Films

Definition

As one half of what is currently the only divided country in the world, the phenomenon of the so-called “division film” in South Korea has developed as a reflection of the social changes associated with its divided national background. The divided Korean Peninsula, the cause of military confrontation between the two Koreas, the Korean War, and espionage activities, is the background for Korean division films. As a result, the divided state serves as a narrative element and can be explored as a theme. Since the release of the first division films in 1949, a year after the Korean Peninsula was split into two countries, division films have been produced constantly. This entry analyzes major political changes, focusing on the regime changes represented in division films and, based on this approach, explores the cinematic illustrations of modern Korean history in three distinct periods. In a bid to reflect the characteristics of the times, division films portray historical elements while acting successfully as an advanced form of art. Herein, I will examine the definition and the range of these division films. This entry thus aims to discuss, in depth, the origin and history of Korea’s division films.

1. Introduction

Korea’s unique divided national state is a constant source of inspiration for cinema. It has consequently contributed to the development of a film genre that is specific to Korea. Historically, some film genres have their roots in specific regions or sociopolitical contexts. Westerns, in reference to the specific geographical region in America, and also of a specific era, explain a crucial moment in history that defines the nation’s identity [1]. While the Korean Peninsula remains divided, this changing social landscape over time has been incorporated into film. The early versions of division films acted as propaganda, and captured anti-communist zeal. Over time, they have evolved into blockbusters.

As a nation state, Korea has a history of being divided into several small states within its own borders, but not by any external force. In contrast, the current division of Korea has resulted from the military intervention of other countries; therefore, the Korean people, longing for unification, have experienced feelings of national grief. Indeed, the division has had persistent and far-reaching effects on the lives of Koreans, impacting politics, the economy, and culture. Meanwhile, the inter-Korean confrontation, which was initiated by the U.S.–Soviet Joint Commission after liberation, and reaffirmed through the Korean War Armistice Agreement, posed a threat to global peace. In other words, the division is an inextricable characteristic of Korea’s national identity, eventually leading to the birth of “division films” in the local film industry.

In the early days, division films were produced under conditions set by the government, before evolving into a specific genre [2]. This unique background largely enabled division films to become a commercially viable genre and to be successful at the box office, since the government promoted them and encouraged citizens to see them. Division films were, therefore, born out of Korea’s divided, turbulent political trajectory and were produced regularly for nearly seven decades. They grew in popularity as cultural content, portraying the identities manifested during different periods of Korea’s modern history. Given this background, the investigation into division films allows for the segmentation of Korean history, and reveals the social significance of each time period. Moreover, the analysis of these films’ images and associated genre characteristics reveals how society is reflected in film.

This entry focuses on the historical aspects of the genre formation of division films since their establishment in the complex context of modern Korean history. Ever since Korea’s division in 1945, filmmakers have produced division films. Up until now, Korea has faced turbulence due to political as well as diplomatic shifts; thus, division films have been influenced by social change. This entry analyzes major political changes, focusing on the regime changes represented in division films and, based on this approach, explores the cinematic illustrations of modern Korean history in three distinct periods. Herein, I will examine the definition and range of these division films. This entry will expand the discourse related to division films from the perspective of Korean history, politics, and their representations in media.

2. Origins and Genre Formation of Division Films

Film genre refers to a category of films that are similar in terms of film type (narrative), character type, theme, and other elements. Examples include comedy, action, melodrama, romantic comedy, thriller, and horror. The listed genre of a film can induce preconceived notions in an audience regarding the content and mood of the film. Rather than being defined by their plot, division films are characterized solely by their backdrop and historical background. This is comparable to the American Western genre, which is based on the history of the pioneers and their westward expansion. Western films are characterized by specific landscapes, music, culture, and the spirit of America’s founding and the characteristics of the early nation [3]. Similarly, division films have the divided Korean Peninsula as their background, and consequently are set in a backdrop of military confrontation between the two Koreas, the Korean War, and espionage activities. As a result, the divided state serves as a narrative element and can be explored as a theme. This is often coupled with ideological and emotional elements, such as postwar trauma, aspirations for unification, and legitimacy of democratic unification, although the form and content differ from piece to piece and can even overlap with other traditional movie genres. Lee Young-il classified some of the post-liberation films as belonging to the “ideological genre”, and thereby division films’ recurring features regarding ideological confrontation deserve further explanation.

Anti-communist films, which comprise the earliest division films, are a useful starting point in analyzing how division films became a distinct genre. Lee Young-il notes that post-liberation Korean films can be divided into the liberation, melodrama, ideological, and documentary subgenres [4]. Anti-communist films are classified as part of the ideological genre, and director Han Hyung-mo’s Breaking the Wall (1949) is considered the most iconic film in the genre. This film depicts the ideological conflict between two brothers-in-law against the backdrop of the Yeo-Sun incident, where leftist soldiers rebelled against Syngman Rhee’s handling of the Jeju Uprising in 1948. Ho Hyeon-chan cited this film as the first anti-communist film in the Korean cinematic corpus [5]. After liberation from Japan, the Korean Peninsula was divided into South and North Korea along the 38th parallel under the U.S.–Soviet Joint Commission, and the two governments rolled out ideological propaganda [4]. This phenomenon extended into the film industry, too, as ideological films also appeared naturally. Owing to their embedded anti-communism, the films were referred to as “anti-communist films” and developed as a new genre, demonstrating the inter-Korean ideological conflict and its impact on Korean people, as well as the national anti-communist policy at the time.

From the beginning, division films have adopted the long-standing confrontation existing in the Korean Peninsula as one of the main features of the genre. The inter-Korean confrontation is unique, as it implies many kinds of confrontation, including ideological military, ethnic, good and evil, and alliance-related themes. This confrontation is no longer limited to just the Korean Peninsula, and is seen as a potential threat to global peace. The underlying reason for this is that the Korean Peninsula is constantly at a tipping point for war, given the current state of armistice and that North Korea has continued its pursuit of nuclear weapons that could threaten the world. Two recent U.S. presidents have expressed their concern: in the 2002 State of Union Address, held on January 29, President Bush branded North Korea, Iran, and Iraq as the “axis of evil” [6]. According to a press release dated 28 February 2017, President Trump said North Korea was the greatest immediate threat to the U.S. [7]. North Korea has become a target because it is a growing threat to world peace.

The confrontational relationship with North Korea, as a key feature of division films is considered a limitation from a genre-analytic perspective. However, this also allows division films to be blended with other genres, thus acting as a kind of double-edged sword. A film with a narrative based on inter-Korean confrontation fits into the division film genre, and can also be plausibly mixed with other genres, such as war, spy, and action films. Division films capturing cultural differences between the two Koreas, including the disparity between lifestyles in the two countries, can be incorporated into the comedy genre, and those dealing with separated families and North Korean defections can be merged with melodramas. Mixed-genre division films are considered to possess two advantages: the scope of the story can be easily expanded, and they can be produced in a variety of settings. Thus, when they are not confined to their story premise (i.e., the confrontational relations between South and North Korea), division films can be mixed with other genres, potentially making them more commercially successful. From a film industry perspective, mixing genres is regarded as a means of exploring differing values across multiple periods and simultaneously attracting more viewers [8]. That is, the phenomenon of genre-mixing can make the content of division films more interesting and acceptable for audiences.

3. History of Division Films

With a history spanning over 70 years, division films can be broadly divided into anti-communist films (identified as part of the ideological genre), humanity-oriented films, and post-Shiri (1999) commercial films in terms of chronological order, theme, and style. The history of division films can be divided into three periods, as follows: (1) division films after the separation in 1948 have been studied as ideological films emphasizing the theme of anti-communism [9]; (2) from the 1980s to 1990s, there was a transitional period in which films with a humanistic approach, not an anti-communist approach, were produced, although the divided state was still used as the subject matter [10]; (3) finally, the release of Shiri in 1999 ushered in a new era of cinema where division films changed into entertainment films [11]. This three-section classification allows each division film to belong to one of the three categories. Anti-communist films and humanistic approach films, genres of the first two aforementioned time periods, are distinct; however, in the third said time period, these division films begin to exhibit qualities of both approaches. This entry aims to examine the historical trends of division films based on these factors.

3.1. Anti-Communist Films as Part of an Ideological Genre

Anti-communist films can be interpreted simply as films that express anti-communist sentiments. However, the precise definition of anti-communist films has stirred some controversy. While some researchers have classified them as a subcategory of propaganda films, others claim they belong to an umbrella genre with commercial subgenres [12]. Anti-communist films primarily dramatize the ideological conflict between the two Koreas as a good vs. evil scenario. Ideological conflict has been the most persistent theme in division films, starting with anti-communist films and lasting until Shiri was released. Anti-communist films were largely intended to promote an anti-communist climate in South Korea by defining North Korea as an absolute evil. As a result, the theme of good vs. evil became mainstream in propaganda films [13].

Ho Hyeon-chan stated that the anti-communist film is a unique genre that originated in Korea; there is no such term even in film dictionaries [5]. Even though films stressing ideological disenchantment with communism have been made in other countries, no country other than Korea has turned such movies into a genre. This is attributable to Korea’s dynamic and unusual history: (1) the 70-year-long divided state; (2) ideological confrontation resulting from the intervention during the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union; and (3) the horrible fratricidal confrontation.

Anti-communist films depict North Korea as committing acts of terrorism, war, violence, and espionage in order to conquer South Korea. The narratives are based on the dichotomy between South and North Korea, which is understood as synonymous with the theme of good and evil, and is compounded by the violence and inhumanity demonstrated by North Korea and communists. In anti-communist films, North Korea’s soldiers and spies are mostly portrayed as cold-blooded and brainwashed by communist ideology, and films depicting North Korea’s soldiers as having positive psychological tendencies or being in anguish often have often drawn controversy. Therefore, North Koreans were stereotyped as evil characters and dramatized without limit in the name of anti-communism. This attempt was bolstered by the underlying critical perspective towards communist ideology. Although censorship of film violence was strict at the time, the restrictions were quietly relaxed for many anti-communist films.

Researchers of Korean cinema have agreed that the production of anti-communist films began in 1949, and the first anti-communist film was Breaking the Wall, directed by Han Hyung-mo (1949) [5]. This film was followed by documentaries titled The Reality of North Korea by director Lee Chang-geun, Broken 38th Parallel by director Yoon Bong-chun, Comrades by director Hong Gae-myeong, and For the Country by director Ahn Jong-hwa, all of which were released in 1949. These division films were all inspired by the same historical background, involving the joint American–Russian military regime that ensued after liberation occurred on August 15, 1948, and the Korean Peninsula was divided into South and North under two separate governments (i.e., the Republic of Korea, and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, respectively). This led to an intensified ideological conflict between democracy and communism. All the aforementioned films were made in South Korea, mainly promoting anti-communist ideology and addressing the tragic national divide along the 38th parallel [14].

War movies began to appear as subgenres of division films after the Korean War, which broke out on 25 June 1950. North Korea’s invasion and the numerous battles between the two Koreas became the main theme of films, and was used to promote the South Korean government’s anti-communist policy. During the Korean War (1950–1953), many war documentaries about the brave military activities of South Korean soldiers were released [15]. Along with war movies, there was an emerging film trend towards the repression of Korean partisans who were communist guerrillas originating from Sunchang-gun, Jeolla province, and acted before and after the Korean War. Their presence in Jeolla province, even after the war, posed a problem for the Korean government. However, they offered an ideal theme to be later explored as part of their anti-communist policy.

The 1960s were characterized by active government subsidies for anti-communist film production, and these subsidies may have helped anti-communist films evolve into a genre, despite the fragmented narrative and typical setting of the films. The Park Chung-hee regime used anti-communist ideology as a means of diverting people’s attention from the controversy over political legitimacy, because its power was achieved through military coups. The government proposed a “growth first and unification later” policy and promoted anti-communism as a way of repressing political opponents and asserting cultural control. In 1966, the Best Anti-Communist Film Award was established at the Daejong Film Festival, and the award was given out for 22 years. In 1967, the import quota system was enforced for anti-communist films in conjunction with the second revision of the Film Act. Under the system, an import quota on foreign films was allotted to filmmakers who either exported a Korean film or produced a successful anti-communist film. Given that foreign films were more popular than local films, filmmakers competed to produce anti-communist films to be entitled to the import quotas [16]. In the third revision of the Film Act in 1970, the import quotas on foreign films were exclusively allocated to anti-communist film producers, and this lasted until 1987 [2].

In the 1970s, the government actively supported anti-communist films as part of its efforts to stay in power and promote anti-communist ideology, leading to a series of mega-sized war movies [14]. The two Koreas, however, took a new turn by holding the inter-Korean summit meeting and announced the creation of the inter-Korean joint declaration on 4 July 1972. In line with this development, the number of anti-communist films gradually declined and related promotional polices also became inactive. Anti-communist films were no longer successful at the box office and filmmakers stopped making them, leading to a significant reduction in the number of anti-communist films in the 1970s and 1980s. This period was marked by Korea’s rapid economic development and hosting of the Asian Games in 1986 and the Olympics in 1988, which were remarkable achievements for the country. In addition, the Vietnam War was drawing to a close. Therefore, concerns over a possible Korean War diminished significantly.

In the late 1990s, the country adopted positive attitudes towards inter-Korean reconciliation in the wake of the Kim Dae-jung administration’s sunshine policy. This change dampened the prospects for anti-communist films. Even though the national division continued to provide material for films, the heyday of anti-communist films came to an end, and they became a subgenre of the division film genre.

3.2. Division Films Produced with a Humanist Approach

In the early period of division films, during which anti-communist films enjoyed their prime, the national division was mainly presented from the perspective of anti-communist ideology. However, some films utilizing a humanistic approach were intermittently produced, and this phenomenon became more widespread in the 1980s to the point where a series of humanism-based division films were produced while anti-communist film production slowed down. Here, the division films taking a humanistic approach were films that examined the traumas of people who were physically and psychologically hurt by the division and war between the two Koreas, as well as the consequent post-war social scars remaining in Korean society. From a historical standpoint, division films achieved diversity in terms of ideology and theme in their early days, which coincided with the golden age of anti-communist films, and continued to evolve in favor of the humanistic approach, particularly in commercial films released in the post-Shiri period.

The humanistic approach among division films became readily apparent for the first time in Piagol (1955). This film attempted to portray the anguish of communist partisans in a humanistic way instead of presenting a stereotypical villain image, and this drew criticism from anti-communists [13]. In Piagol, all characters were communist partisans who were trapped in the Piagol Valley. The director, Lee Kang-cheon, highlighted the personality of each character while excluding anti-communist perceptions of those partisans. At that time, portraying North Koreans as ordinary human beings was considered extremely bold. This film ended up being banned from screening due to violating anti-communist law, although the ban was later reversed. However, it initiated intense social debate [4].

In Gil-so-ddeum (1985), director Im Kwon-taek also addresses the tragic sentiment associated with national division from a perspective different from that of existing anti-communist films. This film featured a motif of an authentic special live broadcast program that launched in 1983 to help families who were separated during the Korean War to meet again. The TV program, aired nationally via KBS for 138 days, helped 10,189 separated individuals find each other. The footage of this TV program was shown several times in Gil-so-ddeum, signifying the impact of the tragic national division on individuals and their families from an objective perspective. In the film, the main characters Hwa-young and Dong-jin, formerly married, meet through the TV program after being apart for 30 years. In the process of finding their lost son together, they encounter the emotional wounds each has felt from being part of a separated family and experiencing national division. Hwa-young, even though she finds her first husband and son, chooses to return to her family. Thus, the main character, who is the victim of a tragic national history, chooses the present rather than the past as her final destination, signifying her departure from a male-dominated history. This film, which was positively received, instead of presenting enlightening solutions implied the need to look into the reality of individual life and social issues in the present when dealing with tragic national history.

In the early 1990s, the perspective on the Korean War began to change in division films, albeit slowly. In this period, films began to deal with the war’s impact in a serious manner, departing from the typical approach (i.e., unilateral accusations against North Korea). Taebaek Mountains (1994), directed by Im Kwon-taek, is based on Jo Jeong-rae’s long novel of the same name and illustrates the conflicts which arose between left and right-wing activists during the 1948 “Yeosu-Suncheon Incident”, up until the signing of the armistice in 1953. This film features similar proportions of communist partisans, South Korean soldiers, and police officers. Partisans are presented more sympathetically in terms of character construction. On the contrary, soldiers, police officers, and village landlords, who are all anti-communists, are shown to be inhumane or selfish. Although the film ends with the soldiers winning, their victory is not glorious and leaves a nihilistic impression on the ideological confrontation described.

The division films created from a humanistic perspective in the 1980s and 1990s acted as a bridge between anti-communist films and commercial division films in terms of the number of films produced and production duration. In particular, these films influenced themes and characters of commercial division films in diverse ways, while filling the gap in the film industry after anti-communist and ideological films declined in popularity. The increase in division films using a humanistic approach can be interpreted as a statement in favor of the ideological freedom and free expression that filmmakers yearned for, and their thirst was quenched as the government’s intervention decreased. It also implies that freedom and diversity of expression in the filmmaking process were becoming prominent as government intervention ceased, even though they were engaging with politically sensitive themes.

3.3. Commercial Division Films in the Post-Shiri Period

The Korean film industry has expanded both quantitatively and qualitatively since 1999, starting with Shiri (1999). Shiri is a very important film in Korean film history, in that it is a commercially successful film that put the Korean film industry on track to success and freed division films from the shadow of anti-communist films. It is also necessary to study the post-Shiri period in the research of division films, given that it was the first film to use the division of Korea as a backdrop rather than a primary theme. Therefore, there are three major distinctions of the post-Shiri period: Shiri and blockbuster films in Korea; division films in an era of 10 million viewers; and the return of anti-Communist films.

Shiri, beyond its role as a division film, marked a turning point for the Korean film market. A huge amount of capital was spent on the production and marketing of the film, and it hit theaters with a wide release that was not common in Korea at the time. It attracted 5.82 million viewers, setting a record among Korean films, being ranked No. 1 at the box office. Shiri, watched by one-tenth of the Korean population at the time, made headlines in political, economic, social, and cultural sections of newspapers and became a phenomenon. Its success promised a new direction for the Korean film industry in relation to new genre developments and technological advances (e.g., special effects). It also confirmed the potential of Korean film for commercial success on par with Hollywood blockbusters, and indeed, the Korean film industry has achieved unprecedented growth since then. Shiri is still recognized as a crucial part of Korean film history [14].

The 1997 financial crisis damaged the Korean economy, which had grown surprisingly well. As an increasing number of companies restructured and self-employed people went bankrupt, Koreans had to tighten their belts, and a financial breakthrough was needed to cope with the economic crisis. When Shiri, released in February 1999, turned out to be a huge success, it created an illusion that the cultural content industry may provide such a breakthrough opportunity. The success of Shiri enabled Korean filmmaking to be considered as a high-value industry, and the film’s earnings were compared in the press with revenue from other industries, especially automobile sales, creating a phenomenon [17]. The appearance of Shiri at that point in time, when the Korean economy was suffering, provided hope for Korean people and was taken as a cultural message that the current crisis could be overcome [18].

As seen in Shiri, Korean blockbusters have specific cinematic characteristics specific to Korea. Such characteristics are different from those witnessed in anti-communist films. Whereas anti-communist films are intended to deliver anti-communism to the audience in order to impress them, Korean blockbusters convey emotional content that can resonate with the audience to stress nationalism. In Shiri, the application of distinctly Korean ethnic characteristics in an attempt to make this blockbuster film profitable was successful. Such an attempt worked in other division films following Shiri, including Joint Security Area (2000), Silmido (2003), Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War (2004), and Welcome to Dongmakgol (2005). After Shiri was released in 1999, the proportion of division films in high-grossing Korean blockbusters significantly increased, as many early Korean blockbuster films explored specific national characteristics.

When compared with previous action films produced in Korea, Shiri featured large-scale street battles and gunfights as important visual elements. Given that the possession of firearms is banned in Korea, the scenes of large-scale shootouts, even in an action or spy movie, may have seemed unrealistic to the audience. Therefore, most of the films related to inter-Korean military confrontation were classified as war movies. Shiri changed that by presenting confrontational scenes between South and North agents (OP specialists) with cutting-edge uniforms, body armor, and equipment comparable with what is found in U.S. movies and dramas showing SWAT members and FBI special agents. Considering that knives or hand-to-hand fights are used in most Korean action films, the use of firearms can help division films hold an important stake in the local commercial film market.

Shiri successfully debuted in the commercial film market and introduced an era of blockbuster films in Korea, but it did so as a well-constructed division film, which deserves to be noted here. Shiri took a different approach when compared with anti-communist films, which were dominant as ideological propaganda films during the 50-year history of division films, and the approach was well received by the Korean audience. With little anti-communist ideology, Shiri portrays the inter-Korean confrontational state in a very entertaining way, and audiences were excited to watch it. Shiri made its reputation as a Korean blockbuster rather than as an ideological film by transforming the inter-Korean conflict into spectacular action with battle scenes that fulfilled the requirements of the popular genre, namely, an action movie.

Over 10 million filmgoers watched Silmido, which was released in December 2003, signaling a new chapter of growth in Korean films. I name this the era of 10 million viewers. Before the excitement diminished, another film, Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War, was released in February 2004, drawing more than 11 million viewers. After these two films were released, the term “Ten Million Movies” was coined. Since then, the term has been used as an indicator of the box office performance of films in Korea, which now has a population of approximately 51 million. This phenomenon was coupled with the fact that these two box office hits are division films [14]. Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War is a clear division film depicting the Korean War, and Silmido is based on the true story of a South Korean squad trained to be dispatched to North Korea in 1968, making it a division film in a broad sense. Hence, division films have proven to be consecutive commercial successes following Shiri.

On the other hand, the sunshine policy of the Kim Dae-jung administration affected war movies. Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War, directed by Kang Jae-gyu in 2004, is a blockbuster war film portraying the brutal nature of the Korean War through the ordeal experienced by two brothers while fighting in the war. This movie did not present the stereotypical evil image of North Korea, which was commonly used in anti-communist films, yet it retained the concept of good and evil and conveyed the values and meanings of family. Due to its cinematic excellence, this movie was exported to the U.S. and Europe at the highest price in Korean cinema history.

The success after the release of Silmido suggests that there have been significant developments made in Korean films. Silmido originated from the true story of Unit 684, a squad secretly trained for dispatch to North Korea, who were victimized for the sake of anti-communist ideology. The film finally unveiled this true story along with the shameful ideological politics at the time. The wartime blockbuster Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War was released two months after Silmido, thereby revealing the brutal nature of the Korean War and the tragic fate of the brothers. The narrative revolved around patriotism, as the title explicitly indicates. Audiences loved both films. It is worth noting that Shiri and Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War were directed by the same director, Kang Jae-gyu.

The success of Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War enabled the division film genre to be commercially stable and laid the foundation for further growth. It is also noteworthy that while Shiri combines the melodrama, action, and spy genres, Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War is a wartime movie that emphasizes the value of family. Characteristic of the genre, division films are based on elements that allow them to be mixed with other materials and genres. The division films released after Shiri and Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War were indeed produced in various styles with different subgenres and themes. During the post-Shiri period of 1999 to 2006, an increased number of division films incorporated features from melodrama, which was partly attributed to: (1) the proportion of melodrama films growing in popularity at the time; and (2) the prospect of optimistic relations between South and North Korea awakening filmmakers’ imaginations as they increased their interaction and communications under the progressive Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun governments. During a decade of conservative rule under Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye from 2007 to 2016, division films were characterized by both action and family-oriented themes. The stereotypically evil North Korean characters no longer featured. Instead, young and handsome male characters appeared in films within the spy and action subgenres. The films thus grew in popularity. Action films, in particular, increasingly captured the sense of brotherhood between men from both Koreas and the establishment of alternative families, replacing marriage themes that were previously pursued in melodramas involving lovers from the two countries. For the last two decades after Shiri was released, division films have continued as an independent genre. New attempts have also been made to enhance the films’ production quality, adding significant momentum to the growth of the Korean film industry.

The term had been absent from the media for a long time, but with Into the Fire (2010), there was a return of the genre of anti-communist film [19,20]. According to many media outlets, its reappearance was seemingly related to the conservative party’s recent assumption of power. This close connection between politics and the film industry occurs commonly in Korea but also in other countries and regions. Research on the relationship between the White House and Hollywood has been widely explored by many authors [21]. Based on a battle that took place during the Korean War, Into the Fire had a narrative similar to that of war movies launched during the brisk period of anti-communist films. The soldiers of both Koreas are presented as stereotypes and ideological confrontation is emphasized in support of conservatism. The return of anti-communist film stirred debate among critics and about 3.3 million viewers watched the movie [22]. In 2015, the Northern Limit Line again ignited debate about anti-communist films. Conservative media described it as an emotional anti-war film [23], whereas progressive media reported it as an anti-communist film [24]. The film is based on a real event. It depicts the story of navy soldiers killed by North Korean soldiers during an artillery engagement at a maritime boundary near Yeonpyeong Island. The reason for the classification of Into the Fire and Northern Limit Line as anti-communist is that both films used an emotional narrative reflecting the inter-Korean ideological conflict and the intention to promote patriotism through the depiction of real events.

Operation Chromite, released in 2016, was directed by Lee Jae-han, also the director of Into the Fire. Based on a real event, the film was the center of debate due to its anti-communist theme. It was a box office success, attracting more than 7 million viewers [25]. However, it received negative reviews from critics who called it an anti-communist film [26]. The controversy increased because of a comment made by President Park Geun-hye that apparently promoted the film. Three weeks after the release of the film, the President watched the move in a theater and tweeted the following: “How about watching the Operation Chromite this weekend at the peak of the heat wave?” using the Cheong Wa Dae Twitter account. The text was accompanied by a picture of the president watching the movie and the movie poster. The tweet drew many negative judgments on the grounds that such a promotional comment is not appropriate for the president of South Korea [27]. Operation Chromite drew attention during its pre-production stage due to its high film budget and the casting of Hollywood star Liam Neeson as General MacArthur. Since the film title refers to the U.S. Marines’ Inchon landing made during the Korean War, the spectacle of the landing operation was expected. However, much of the film’s screen time was allocated to the fierce ideological conflict between the South’s soldier spy and North Korea’s defense commander. Operation Chromite also adopted the style of anti-communist films by presenting South and North Korea as the epitome of absolute good and evil, respectively.

The reason why other post-Shiri division films are not referred to as anti-communist films is that they depict characters crossing ideological boundaries despite the confrontational state between the two Koreas. In the case of Shiri, a female spy is shown to become emotionally inclined to South Korea, although she appears to remain of communist ideology while the confrontation between the South and North Korean agents continues. In Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War, the main character, Jin-tae, is initially a South Korean soldier and then briefly turns into a North Korean soldier due to a misunderstanding about his younger brother’s death. However, he finally sacrificing himself to save South Korean soldiers after finding out that it was a misunderstanding. Such a character may be ideologically aligned with South Korea; however, he crossed the boundary to cooperate with North Korea, demonstrating a changing trend in the depiction of South Korean and North Koreans. Nevertheless, absolute good is contrasted with absolute evil in Into the Fire, Northern Limit Line, and Operation Chromite. These films show a number of scenes intended to inspire the feeling of patriotism in audiences by imbuing their scenes with elevated emotions. As mentioned earlier, these films are based on real events, which means that they deserved narrativization. However, their explicit intention of promulgate anti-communist propaganda makes them similar to earlier anti-communist films. Considering that they were produced and released during the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye administrations, it is believed that these films’ ideological features are closely related to the ruling government’s social message, its North Korea policy, and its attitude towards cultural works.

4. Range of Genres in Division Films

On 9 December 2016, the impeachment proceedings against President Park Geun-hye were passed by the National Assembly. The Constitutional Court upheld the impeachment on 10 March 2017, thereby ending Park’s presidency. In the presidential election held on 9 May 2017, Moon Jae-in was elected as the 19th president, and the progressive party assumed power from the conservative party.

Just as Shiri, a successful and commercial film made in the division genre, was aligned with the beginning of the progressive regime in 1999, so too was the launch of the anti-communist Into the Fire in 2010, likely due to the takeover of the conservative regime in 2008. Along with the switch to the progressive government in May 2017, there have been several changes in the production of division films, most notably an increasing variety of themes, elements, and subgenres when compared with their predecessors 20 years ago.

Since 2017, division films have increasingly diversified in many areas, including subgenres, themes, and narrative elements. In particular, an increasing number of films are concerned with trending topics in reality, such as the issue of North Korea’s nuclear weaponry, the U.S.–North Korea negotiations, planned defection, North Korea’s counterfeit money, and the possibility of a North Korean coup. This means that national division is no longer used in the background; instead, associated topics have been directly dramatized in recent films. Similarly, the range of subgenres has expanded within division films to include tap dancing, psychopath, and disaster, among others.

Further analysis is necessary to identify the specific characteristics that division films have accumulated. While they have evolved over time, the strategies that filmmakers have used to adapt to changes at each period have made the definition of what constitutes a division film broader and more flexible. The heyday of anti-communism, which coincided with the beginning of division films, was characterized by an increase in the number of ideological films. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult to define the genre characteristics of division films, as they have been produced with a variety of genres. In light of this, we can divide division films into two groups: those with a theme based on the division and those using it as a narrative element. However, classifying both groups as a division film may pose problems because it would make them less distinctive.

Researchers are divided as to the question of whether films released after Shiri—which explored the national division at narrative level—can be considered division films. The advocacy for a broader definition (i.e., the claim that the inclusion of the division even as a background element is valid) would mean that the films have a specific cinematic representation, thereby fitting into the division film genre. On the contrary, the advocacy for a narrower definition of division films would be skeptical about the aforementioned assumption because the narrativization of the divided state, when mixed with other popular genres (e.g., melodrama, comedy, or action) as a non-thematic element, is not meaningful for any further consideration. Based on these findings and analyses, the author reached the following conclusions concerning division film as a genre.

A film genre can be likened to a creature capable of adapting to changing situations while maintaining its distinctive identity. Despite being a peculiar genre involved with various themes and narrative elements, division films have continuously evolved throughout time. Their persistence is attributed to their flexibility. They are able to sensitively adapt to social changes across different periods. Division films flourished when imbued with a humanistic approach, and they eventually replaced anti-communist films. When mixed with other genres such as action, comedy, and melodrama, division films became less serious regarding the national division itself, and their conceptual horizon was expanded. After going through significant changes associated with fluctuating political situations, division film is now considered the most commercially successful genre of the Koreas, and currently co-exists with anti-communist films to reflect various political perspectives of the Cold War era. Taken together, these results reveal that variations in the division film genre are difficult to define as a whole; however, they can be characterized by the vitality and flexibility of adapting to change. In this context, the use of the national division at a narrative element level can be translated as the flexibility of division films rather than the other way around. This phenomenon may reflect the transition from a rigid society to a more flexible society in Korea; on the contrary, it may be evidence of intensified value conflicts within the Korean population.

5. Conclusions

This analysis was conducted as exploratory historical research which could contribute to further studies on division films, Korean media studies, and political research on modern Korean history. In the only divided nation in the world, the division film genre has a history that is sensitive to political change. This history has been used as the background of division films to appeal to audiences and allow for various interpretations and storytelling modes. In addition to the entertaining function of movies through visualized fictional stories, films have a social function that reflects the social elements of the country or culture in which the film is made. Both functions are well balanced within the division film genre. Based on all the characteristics described above, division films are expected to continue their evolution in line with changes in inter-Korean relations. This flexibility has the function of maintaining their viability as an independent genre.

Given the national economy and population size, the Korean film market is well developed. Compared to the Hollywood film industry, the Korean film industry has to contend with a smaller population size and less financial resources. However, it has continuously gained the attention and recognition of Koreans as well as global audiences by producing creative and unique movies. Given the nature of the film industry, Korean filmmakers have had to struggle to make movies with few resources. To cope with these kinds of situations, they choose realistic themes and elements that maximize their creativity and ingenuity. Division films constitute a good example of their efforts. With the reality of a divided national state, the Koreas are commonly used in the background of division films and are easily engaged with various themes. This ability to resonate with audiences is associated with the flexibility of division films, which is characterized by their adaption to time-dependent changes.

Division films have successfully adapted to dynamic social changes in Korea over the past seven decades, and thus remain a commercially viable genre. Division films have achieved a long-standing history despite several barriers, such as a sensitive political backdrop and an early history of being used as propaganda by the government. Over the last two decades, division films have been actively produced and have reaped commercial success, thereby indicating the viability of the genre. Division films can be defined differently based on whether the national division was explored as a theme or as a background element; a film made in the mode of the former can be defined as a division film, and the latter defined as a cross-genre film. The flexibility of the division film as a genre is considered to be the main reason for its viability. This study not only researched the genre of division films in Korean film history, but also has the value of an interdisciplinary study that analyzes modern Korean history and politics. This entry is therefore meaningful as a primary study for continued research in the future, as it lays the foundations for the study of division films in Korea.