The Existence of Indigenous Knowledge and Local Landslide Mitigation: A Case Study of Banyumas People in Gununglurah Village, Central Java, Indonesia

Abstract

This study examines the indigenous knowledge and local mitigation of the Banyumas people in Gununglurah village, Central Java, against landslides. Here, the local community practices local mitigation strategies to overcome its impacts based on local beliefs and traditional practical solutions. The method of the study mainly employs field observations and semi-structured interviews with sixteen informants, including twelve villagers, four local leaders at RT/RW level, and two government officers. The research finds how indigenous knowledge is used across core belief systems and fundamental understanding of marking, imitating, and adding. In addition, this study also reveals that farmers have practiced traditional terracing methods (nyabuk gunung) to plant crops on slope hills. Other than that, Banyumas people are still practicing the usage of the local seasonal calendar for cropping (pranata mangsa), as well as community-level vegetative strategies and practices. Finally, the study also addresses the threat of global technology and modernization to local knowledge preservation for the future generation.

1. Introduction

Landslides have been acknowledged to be a dangerous natural phenomenon, particularly in the mountainous region of tropical countries [1]. Landslides usually happen without warning [2,3,4,5] and allow people only limited time to evacuate [6]. In many studies, the impact of landslides can be evaluated using field measurement, socio-economic surveys, and remote sensing [7,8,9]. The human aspect, including culture [10,11], as well as the existence of indigenous knowledge [12,13], has started to be included in the scientific discussion. Recently, indigenous knowledge (IK) has emerged as a progressive and prominent idea in global science policy, including disaster issues [14]. In addition, these aspects have played a significant role in disaster mitigation practice, primarily in rural areas. Until now, many disaster mitigation strategies proposed by the authorities or international agencies have failed to minimize the vulnerability [15]. Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) also targets the collection of data on the use of local and IK and cultural heritage to be exposed, shared, and adapted to different relevant groups [16]. Thus, exploring the applicable measures in the local context is still relevant to guide the possible implemented policy and increase the public discourse.

In the Global South region, the existence of IK is commonly parallel to certain ethnicities or tribes in different geographical contexts. As IK links to the local people, their lands, and natural resources [17], each local community performs a unique form of knowledge regarding their experience and natural condition. In disaster risk reduction, several studies have explored IK in various case studies [18]. Globally, indigenous knowledge has been recorded as one of the significant measures for local people to face natural hazards [19]. The improvising of IK in disaster risk management has contributed to affordable and long-lasting strategies for protecting communities against the impact of natural disasters [20]. Furthermore, many people living in vulnerable landslide areas have tremendous knowledge of the events but remain largely unutilized [21].

However, there is still an urgency to examine the existence and implementation of IK, especially in landslide mitigation in rural areas [22]. With at least 272.7 million in 2021 [23], and hundreds of different ethnicities, Indonesia has been enriched by massive amounts of IK with hazard-related responses. Concerning the earlier explanation, the present study aims first to examine the existence of local mitigation strategies against landslide hazards in the rural community in Indonesia. Nevertheless, this study, designed as a case study, mainly attempts to highlight the importance of IK developed by the Banyumas people in dealing with landslide risks.

The Banyumas region has been facing hydro-meteorological disasters for years with a high impact on the local community. The National Disaster Management Agency of Indonesia (BNPB) has categorized this region as high risk for landslides [24]. This category is obtained through hazard (H), vulnerability (V), exposure (E), and risk (R) parameters that are quantified and visually presented using a Geographic Information System (GIS). Nonetheless, IK has been treated relatively as a complement to scientific knowledge, especially in disaster planning [25]. To support the research goal, we present this article in six sections. First, we review published articles on IK and implementation in the local community that support this study. Next, we explain the research design and method, including the geographical setting of the case study. In the third part, we present the results based on the fieldwork, comprising the semi-structured interviews and observations of IK in the selected study location. Additionally, the section provides a discussion on local mitigation. Finally, we present the conclusion of the study.

2. Definitions

2.1. Indigenous Knowledge (IK)

Indigenous knowledge (IK) is usually an unutilized resource in local and community establishments [26]. In addition, IK is defined as knowledge transferred through generations, obtained from comprehending a living environment disclosed through dreams, vision, or intuition [27]. Indigenous community knowledge stipulates basic information and insight that accompany scientific knowledge and environment inspection [28]. IK and its practices have been developed to optimize the implementation of disaster risk reduction (DRR) since the 1970s [29]. Since the 1990s, this knowledge has been recognized and covered in climate change and related hazards [30]. By merging local and scientific knowledge, hybrid knowledge can reflect local understanding and present collective expositions that lead to an agreement [31]. However, despite the appreciation of the importance of IK in risk reduction and mitigation of disasters [20], local knowledge has not been adequately embraced in public policy and science [23]. Currently, part of the HFA has continued to call for highlighting local capacity and community-based disaster management with the potential contribution of IK to the program [32]. Finally, Griffin and Barney [25] suggest an idea of balanced knowledge sharing between experts and indigenous communities and identify mutual understanding.

2.2. Local Mitigation Strategies

Indigenous knowledge improves the communities’ resilience and establishes the adaptation strategies, such as the traditional Early Warning System (EWS) [33,34,35] and effective disaster preparedness plan [36]. In Kiribati, local communities have attached cultural values to water management to address climate change stressors [33]. The Indigenous community of Limpopo develops local EWS to forecast the potential drought events [35]. In the Himalayan region, the local community of Kumaoni has adapted and developed IK through practical implementation for agriculture, water management, and vegetative techniques [20]. From Indonesia, several case studies have shown established disaster mitigation strategies based on local knowledge. In Aceh, the smong tradition was essential during significant tsunami events in the Indian Ocean in 1907 and 2004 [30]. In other regions, the Gayo community has developed kekeberen as an oral tradition to preserve local history, moral values, and regulations, including hazard mitigation [16], whereas Javanese people integrate local knowledge to deal with weather patterns (locally called pranata mangsa), especially for agriculture [37,38].

The previous study in Sri Lanka has identified the local knowledge of landslide mitigation practices of remote communities through establishing early warning indicators, promoting warning systems, practicing collective farming, and optimizing the vegetation for fences and stone walls [22,39]. In that last article, focus group discussions, household surveys, and interviews were employed to evaluate local knowledge as a major part of the communities’ social capital. A study in Taiwan has examined the transferability of local knowledge into policies on landslide mitigation [31]. In that study, the qualitative data were extracted from semi-structured interviews and a participatory workshop applied to elders and members of local organizations. An earlier investigation of Guimbatan-fadgyas [13] translates landslide possibility by using toponym and scientific knowledge to enhance community-based risk assessment. Here, the thesis employs the Delphi technique, several workshops and uses the GIS to visualize the landslide on the adjustable map. Finally, based on a case in Java, the local knowledge in landslide mitigation has generally been examined in Cahyono et.al [40] through a descriptive approach using Strengths-Weaknesses-Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) analysis. That study also delivered different types of local mitigation expressed through land crack inspection, plant and tree planting modification, and soil and agriculture improvements.

2.3. Banyumas People

Banyumas people are commonly described as “liyan” or different from the general form of Javanese culture with a relatively different language, behavior, and traditional arts [41]. Banyumas people’s character is manifested in the sustaining value in everyday life [42]. The character of Banyumas people can be portrayed in Banyumas chronicles, locally called Babad Banyumas, established through historical presence [43,44]. Based on Banyumas chronicle, the character values of its society are linked to the political (vertical) and social-economic (horizontal) association [44]. Primarily, Banyumas people live in agriculture and plantation due to topographical conditions [45,46]. As Ahmad Tohari emphasized in his famous writing, the people of Banyumas, especially women [47,48], actively apply their wisdom to preserve the environment [49]. On the other side, this community also practices social forestry to conserve natural resources [50].

3. Description of the Case Study Area

Our study has selected Gununglurah village, Banyumas. Astronomically, this village is located at 7^°26’25” – 7^°39’24” S and 109^°14’27” – 109^°16’59” E and comprises approximately 1996 hectares of area. This village is also part of Logawa watershed (11,628 ha) and lies at roughly 400–900 meters of elevation. Based on 2019 land use data from National Geospatial Agency (BIG), this village consists of various land use including settlement (5.02%); irrigation agriculture land (0.76%); rain-fed agriculture land (5.2%); dry land agriculture (0.14%); people’s plantation (12.66%); grassland (9.4%) and protected forest (66.8%) (see Figure 1). According to Suranto [51], this village is defined by two geological units: firstly, the irresistible Slamet volcanic rocks (Qvs) that contain volcanic breccia, lava, and tuff. This unit is mainly distributed over most parts of the village and structured as a mountainous and hilly area. Secondly, (Qls) volcanic lava deposits of Slamet, which consist of lahar and several layers of lava in the below section. This unit is scattered in the southern part, forming a relatively flat topography and a sharp ridge, especially along the riverbanks.

The mean rainfall in this region is estimated to be over 1500–3000 mm/year. However, during the last five years (2016–2021), the average rainfall has decreased to less than 1000 mm/year, with a maximum of 20 days per year (as seen in Figure 2). There are 11 landslide occurrences recorded in the area of Gununglurah between 2004 and 2008 [51], including the latest landslide occurrence on 17 November 2021 that damaged a house and blocked road accessibility [52]. However, there are limited official records of landslide events in this region. As mentioned by Suranto [51], the highly potential land movement (73.24%) covers the village’s northern and partly southern parts. In contrast, the medium possible land primarily area is mostly located in the south and middle sections. This category covers 23.07% of the entire region. Finally, the minor potential land movement category spreads over 3.69% of the area.

4. Design of the Research

Several researchers have explored local knowledge of indigenous communities to landslide and applied case studies as the primary focus of the data collection [22,40,54]. The present article focuses on Gununglurah village, not only because it is a disaster-prone region that suffers from landslides but also because of the local traditional culture still practiced among the villagers. This paper applied a qualitative method to gather primary data from sixteen informants (N = 16) of the local Banyumas community. Furthermore, the interviewees for the current study included twelve villagers (code = WM), four local leaders at RT/RW level (code = TM), and also two local government officials (code = PD). The data were collected from March to May 2021 through semi-structured interviews by four student assistants from Geography Education Department, Universitas Muhammadiyah Purwokerto. Before fieldwork, some technical interview exercises and field observation have been done to give related information on the geographical context and specific events of landslides in the selected study area. For data analysis, student assistants recorded the interviews, transcribed the conversations and field notes, and documented the sequences with a digital camera. Most of the interviews were held mainly in the language of the Banyumas (locally known as basa ngapak) and mixed with Bahasa Indonesia. Figure 3 presents the interview process of the study.

5. Results and Discussion

5.1. Cultural Aspect of Indigenous Knowledge for Landslide Mitigation

Presently, the Banyumas community has already applied local knowledge to landslide mitigation. According to the interviewee (TM-02), there are three forms of local knowledge in Banyumas: i) tugur means beliefs or habits); ii) pasang patut refers to an innate understanding of appropriateness aspect, and iii) mburu saladan or scale of priority of the individuals in life. This local knowledge is taught based on the remarkable experience and understanding of landslides occurrence before [40]. On the other side, from a spiritual aspect, Banyumas people believe that natural hazards primarily occur through God’s will and destiny; therefore, people should harmonize their life and increase their faith to overcome negative thoughts due to disastrous events [55].

The understanding of marking (niteni), imitating (nirokke), and adding (nambahake) are used as fundamental to local wisdom establishment [56]. Based on the interview (TM-04), Banyumas people in the study area have acknowledged the cause of the landslide and marked (niteni) the signal of the landslide, particularly in the barren slope and the water leak emergence. In this study, local people have manifested these values through several simple applications. First, local people try to minimize the landslide by making the concrete pond and planting bamboos (Bambusa arundinacea) along the slope (see Figure 4a,b). Similar to Naga community in West Java, Banyumas people express the importance of bamboo or locally called pring, through arts, tools, and architecture [57]. Bamboo also represents major Javanese principles of resilience and flexibility as referred to in the following idea: “ora gampang tugel, mergo iso melur”, meaning hard to be broken due to their resilience [58].

In addition, they use sandbags to protect the slope from the surface run-off. A statement mentioned: “alam kue kudu dirumat ben ora nggawe cilaka” (interview TM-02) means that nature should be conserved to avoid disaster. To minimize the landslide vulnerability, local villagers tend to plant coffee (Coffea canephora). Coffee planting has a long connection with local community due to historical reason; it has been cultivated in Banyumas region since the 19th century during Dutch colonialism [49,59]. A previous study Hairiah et.al [60] also supported the finding that two main species of coffee had proportionate high robust taproot systems with average high lateral root establishment. It is also important to note that local village officials also make considerable efforts to encourage villagers to plant mainly on the barren land to avoid the landslide. In addition, as mentioned in the interview with PD-01, the villagers have established Program Masyarakat Peduli Bencana (PMPB), or disaster care community program, from the lowest administrative level of the neighborhood (Rukun Tetangga/RT) to the village unit. This program includes regular and continuous knowledge sharing and socialization to all villagers to deal with landslide hazards. Villagers usually hold meetings at the village hall and give wise advice in dealing with natural disasters, such as mentioned in the following statement from an interview (TM-04):” Human and Nature are unity. nature is the primary source of life. In contrast, human who needs nature must preserve it so it can be inherited to the next generation in the future”.

The local community also uses kentongan. It is the traditional bamboo instrument. That makes a loud sound when the big bamboo is beaten by the small stick bamboo. Kentongan is commonly employed for warning and informing the hazardous situation [61,62,63,64]. The local community uses kentongan for communication among households and villagers [65,66]. This tool is usually installed in a public facility such as a mosque, village office, house of a neighborhood leader (RT/RW), and also a security post (poskamling). This tool is commonly used during emergencies such as fires, earthquakes, and landslides. A previous study by Lavigne et al. [67] showed that kentongan noise could be heard up to 2 km during the event, which parallels the 2 m Very High Frequency (VHF) radio wave. In an urban settlement setting, kentongan can still be received within a 100-meter distance [64]. In the study area, the emergency signal from kentongan (locally called titir) is sounded mainly to increase awareness during high rain. The code for kentongan is presented through a different number of knocks. The following

Table 1. Number of hitting on kentongan and their meaning.

Code or Number of Knocks	Local Meaning	Definition
ο ο ο	Rojo pati	Death of villager or murder
οο οο	Kemalingan	Theft or thievery
οοο οοο	Kobongan	Fire, be caught on fire
οοοο οοοο	Bencana alam	Natural hazards (flood, landslide, earthquake)
οοοοο οοοοο	Maling kewan	Animal or cattle thievery
οοοοοο οοοοοο	Doro muluk	Safe condition

Source: Astuti, D [68].

describes the symbolization of the events based on the number of hits.

Using kentongan as a primary tool in hazard communication has also been slowly transferred to more modern technology such as smartphones and social media. For instance, the usage of WhatsApp Group and Status has widely transformed Banyumas people in the study area to update local information, including landslide-related issues. Villagers can easily take photos or videos of landslide events directly from the point of location and share them with the other villagers through WhatsApp. Based on TM-04, “siki wis podo mudheng piranti canggih kanggo ngandhani kejadian bencana marang liyan, lan ngesuk mungkin ora perlu nabuh kenthongan maning” means that nowadays, the local community is able to use technology to share disaster information between others, and probably will no longer need to utilize kentongan. In this point, the technology has helped the local community to increase awareness of landslide events. On the other side, the older community members still believe that traditional techniques such as kentongan have a philosophical value that cannot be replaced by advanced technology. Currently, kentongan is still used in the mosque as a praying time alarm and is also performed in the traditional dance.

5.2. Implementing the Traditional Farming System

This typical terracing technique in planting agriculture is applied mainly for rice to prevent erosion and make swales parallel to the contour lines [69,70,71]. This indigenous method also gives a significant role in preventing the agricultural area from drought [72]. The local community in the Banyumas region believes that this contour planting technique also minimizes soil erosion and conserves water. Based on the findings of Limpo et al. [73], this method is also implemented in some other surrounding places, including in Sindoro and the Sumbing mountain slope (110 kilometers from Banyumas region). Generally, the technique commonly found in Java is similar to the terracing technique that is applied to relatively sloping area farming [74]. Traditional farmers mainly employed this method by making a terrace with a slope of around 10%–15% to avoid surface erosion [69,70,75]. In Gununglurah village, nyabuk gunung has been implemented for years (as portrayed in Figure 5a,b). Based on the interview WM-04, local farmers have been practicing nyabuk gunung including for rice, vegetable and palawija.

In the Banyumas community in Gununglurah practice, the local villager, primarily farmers, have used this system for rice cultivation. In this traditional system, farmers prepare a vertical mound perpendicular to the slope’s contour (locally called banjaran). Then, they also set the horizontal terrace in the direction of the contour or called larikan in between, parcels or box units (kotakan) that are similar to the terrace, and prepare the water pond (ledok) for irrigation in the lowest part of the cultivation land. Finally, traditional farmers prepare galengan, or make bunds planted with pine trees, coffee, or tea as shade plants; moreover, boundary to other plants. Bedengan (or bedding) is a common term used by the local community, which means making terraces and mounds covered using plastic.

Nonetheless, conservation practices adopted by the community of local farmers through nyabuk gunung still have not performed promising results [71]. On the other side, the demand for agricultural products tends to push farmers to apply modern agriculture to tackle the water problem during the dry season. This transformation involves advanced machinery, artificial fertilizer, and greenhouse structures. As mentioned in the interview (WM-09), most farmers are now actively using hoses and pipes to irrigate their agricultural land, especially in the upper part of the hill. The water distribution is organized collectively by a group of farmers who also handle the seed supply, fertilizer, and yield collection.

5.3. Pranata Mangsa as Local Cropping Calendar

As mentioned in the previous study, pranata mangsa is used as a calendar for the crop and for the planning, scheduling, and organizing of agricultural activities [37,76]. Historically, this traditional crop almanac was applied in Javanese during the Majapahit period (around 700 AD) until the Mataram Kingdom period (about 1800 AD) for agriculture systems and water management [77,78]. Then, this traditional crop calendar was introduced during Dutch colonialism, and the Kultuurstelsel (the cultivation system was a Dutch government strategy applied in East Indies colony [currently Indonesia] during period of the 19th century) was forcedly implemented [79]. In its development, traditional Javanese has also used pranata mangsa to enhance community resilience to natural hazards for a long time [30,37]. Currently, this calendar has been noticed as the most distinguishable ilmu titen. In Javanese people, Ilmu titen is related to physical features inventory and seasonal-based calendar called pranata mangsa and its phenology (the study of cyclic and seasonal natural phenomena, specifically in relation to the climate, and plant, and animal life) [77]. The indicators that have contributed to water and land management were used since approximately the 17th century and been practicing particularly in agriculture, fisheries and also cosmology [37] dealing with climate aspect dynamics.

For Banyumas people, the typical pranata mangsa has been developed through continuous and careful examination of the surrounding environment. Traditional people use the calendar system to integrate cosmography and bioclimatology into social, economic, and cultural aspects [80]. This system also addresses the essential existence of living organisms within their growth phase and reproductive and spatial distribution [37]. Farmers use semiotic reading on their natural environment, such as atmospheric conditions, leaves color changing, and spring flow capacity dynamics [81]. In the study, the villagers still practice this traditional principle for farming purposes, especially in determining each stage of farming periodicity and using the bioclimatological signs to identify the season. The following

Table 2. Illustration of pranata mangsa and monthly signature.

Month	Indigenous Nature Signature Interpretation	Bioclimatological Signs
Mangsa kasa	satya murca ing embanan	Leaves fall; soil starts to dry; water spring is started to dry
Mangsa karo	bantala rengka	Palawija. Palawija in Indonesian language refers to ’third harvest’ or seasonal crops [82]. Each third harvest a different crop is grown to protect soil fertility. On the small but, in many respects, most important island of Java, there are generally three harvests a year, two with rice and the next one with a different crop, for example soybeans, cassava, potato, yams, etc. [83] plants are growing, cotton and mango are starting to bloom, and the soil surface is started to crack
Mangsa katiga	suta manut ing bapa	Plant leaves start to fall, bamboo buds appear, and the peak of the dry season
Mangsa kapat	waspo kumembang jroning kalbu	The water spring is dry, palawija crops have been harvested
Mangsa kalimo	pancuran emas sumawur ing jagad	Early rainfalls have started, the temperature has begun to cold, tamarin is blooming, and mango is harvesting
Mangsa kanem	rasa mulyo kasucen	Fruits have been harvested. This is the period for field cultivation and the spread of the seed
Mangsa kapitu	wisa kentar ing maruto	At the peak of the rainy season, the river is flooded, and farmers start to plant the crops
Mangsa kawolu	ajrah jroning kayun	Cats are matting, the temperature is increasing, and paddy start
Mangso kasongo	wedare wacana mulya	Crickets (Gryllus sp.) and species of Cicadidae are increasing and sounding
Mangsa kasepuluh	gedong minep jroning kalbu	Paddy starts to be harvested, and birds start to nest, lay eggs, incubate the eggs, and hatch the eggs
Mangsa dhesto	satya sinarawedi	Farmers harvest their land, including rice, cassava and tubers
Mangsa saddha	tirta sah saking sasana	Shifting season from rainy to dry season. The water starts to dry, and plants are blooming

Compiled from: [37,80].

describes the pranata mangsa used by the Banyumas community.

Traditional farmers in the study area still employ this traditional cropping calendar in their farming activities. However, some farmers are no longer using the local cropping calendar system due to uncertain climate and weather. The information and teaching on pranata mangsa have also faced a difficult situation due to the decrease of the farmer’s quantity, especially for the younger generation, as mentioned in the interview with a local farmer (WM-06 and WM-11). Currently, progressive economic sectors such as industry, tourism, and service have attracted the labor force in Banyumas to work in the cities, including in Purwokerto and Cilacap [50,84]. As mentioned during the interview with PD-02, some other workers migrated to Jakarta to work in the automotive or construction industries.

5.4. Vegetative Strategies

The Banyumas community in Gununglurah has also applied vegetative methods to conserve the environment and reduce landslide susceptibility. This method prioritizes slope stability and is used at the bottom of the slope. The vegetation provides important information regarding slope stability, including the Surface Cover Index (SCI) [85]. Plants or vegetation with deep roots, dense roots, soil aggregate binding, and light biomass weight are required to control the occurrence of landslides. On the surface, the vegetation defends the soil from rainwater, minimizes surface run-off, and optimizes the water infiltration into the ground while decreasing erosion [40]. This type of soft engineering is considerably more applicable to the environment and can be combined with human-made structures [86]. In the rural area, the community tends to choose tree planting due to poverty and low financial accessibility for structural measures [87,88,89]. The ethical aspect of conservation drives the community to preserve the forest through the following statement: “kabeh kudu adil, nek utane lestari, ngkene mangan banyune bersih, ngkana mangan banyne bersih, hawane dadi adem ayem”(interview with WM-02), meaning that if the forest is preserved and sustainable, the water supply for people in the upper part will be sufficient and clean, whereas people who live in the lower part will also have clean and sufficient water and the air will be fresh and comfortable.

Regarding the previous explanation, the local community has initiated customary rules, especially for farmers who have 200 ubin. Here, ubin is unit of area that still used in Banyumas especially for land. Each ubin equals a 14-meter square area) to control the water stability every five days and applies to multiple land areas. Furthermore, this traditional regulation also obliges to preserve trees within 50 meters of the Krangean water spring. In contrast, the old trees surrounding the sacred sanctuary (tabet) cannot be approached since that tree is considered to have guardian spirits. The local value in trees preservation is mentioned in the statement, “angger arep njaga wit kudu dipager tembok” which means that when we want to protect the trees thenn we must protect ourselves not to be easily tempted to cut down before time, and we must take care of the trees at all costs so that they are not destroyed by other people (interview with WM-05). Social sanctions and warnings have been administered to local villagers for breaking the regulation. Gununglurah villagers also perform ritual sedhekah bumi twice a year during Sura and Sapar.

Vegetative mitigation in Gununglurah, local people also cultivate local cardamom (Amomum compactum) near the lake called Telaga Kumpe (as seen in Figure 6a). Cardamom has been noted as one of the major cash crops in the upper parts of the mountain [90]. Here, the local farmers grow cardamom surrounding the lake due to soil, temperature, and humidity. The cardamom is cultivated and harvested monthly during the beginning of the rainy season. This location is also used by local people mainly for agriculture, plantation, and tourism activities (see Figure 6b). On the other side, the vegetative mitigation exercise has been ruled strictly in most consent areas, especially sacred places such as forests, sanctuaries, and water springs. However, the infrastructure development pressure has been the main threat to this conservative action. As stated by villagers during the interview, some areas closed to the sacred places have been changed into housing and new agricultural land.

Additionally, the economic recession in recent years has forced some people to exploit the forest and natural resources, including rubber (Hevea brasiliensis) plantation, rock mining, and sand mining. One of the interviewees spoke about their expectations of leaving limited space for them to use the forest, especially the use of wood on dead trees. However, the local authority has ruled the forest area’s protection policy with hard punishment for the offender.

5.5. Discussion

This study gathered IK from a rural community populated by the ethnic Banyumas people in Gununglurah village, Central Java, Indonesia. It is noted that the Banyumas community acknowledges IK as local mitigation for the landslide. Furthermore, community members in the selected study have performed the local relief through local beliefs and practices. The particular order and dimensions of IK can be identified in the Banyumas community, including their landslide mitigation strategies. Similar to previous findings in [22,91], with an agricultural community setting that develops local awareness, modified farming design, and traditional EWS, the Banyumas people have integrated their local values and beliefs into practical solutions [44]. As mentioned in Syahputra [19], the study also noted that less understanding of the knowledge had become one of the significant factors that decreased IK. At the same time, the massive penetration of global information technology tends to reduce the understanding of the younger to learn and implement the local knowledge. They thought that IK was considered to be an old value that was left behind in modern society [92]. However, the local community has urged people to preserve IK and combine it with mobile technology to correspond to frequent landslide events in the region, especially during the rainy season.

The following action in protecting the environment and reducing landslide risk was taken through nature-based action due to the rural community’s low financial capacity and accessibility to provide structural measures [31,93]. In our study, Banyumas people have chosen to apply non-structural mitigation strategies in different ways for landslides. Those strategies have been associated with the agricultural setting of the community. Furthermore, due to historical and cultural connections [45], Javanese culture significantly influences the Banyumas people, including local mitigation practices in the study area. Here, the local farmers apply the indigenous farming technique in the slope area and use the traditional seasonal calendar in Javanese farming [37,38,94]. However, the economic and political transformation has threatened the sustainability of the protected forest in the upper part of the village that preserves water resources for various purposes. For long periods, IK has been used to safeguard and secure water availability and mitigate the people from the landslide. Additionally, IK supports the improved DRR cycle activities such as prevention, mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery, especially for landslide disasters.

Finally, our study has promoted the existence of landslide mitigation strategies in rural communities through a minor case study in the Banyumas people in Central Java. However, the small number of informants and limited survey period possibly limit possible information, including specific mitigation strategies that also relate to different types of hazards. Without neglecting women’s contributions within the Banyumas community, the fact that the gender issue has not been explicitly discussed in the study suggests further research. It needs to be included in future research as well as social capital networks that have a significant position in the rural mitigation measures [39], and cross-culture analysis in the disaster mitigation activity in different regions [95].

6. Conclusions

Landslides are among the unpredictable disasters in Indonesia and affect local communities, especially in mountainous regions. For years, the local community has established indigenous knowledge and local mitigation strategies, including the Banyumas people, as small parts of the Javanese community who preserve their culture and identity. This study has underlined and drew several important conclusions. One important conclusion is that rural communities in Banyumas have established indigenous knowledge in their local mitigation of landslides based on their traditional beliefs, and their basic comprehension of marking, imitating, and adding (niteni, nirokke, and nambahake). Furthermore, the study found that the community implements the various forms of the local mitigation for their primary economic activities in agriculture, including landslide signature alarm, farming method, indigenous seasonal calendar, and practical vegetative measures. The current study also examines the threat in preserving IK in the rural community due to modernization and progressive technology expansion that eroded the existence of IK in the agrarian society in Banyumas. The study recommends the integration of the IK and local measures in mitigation activities and formal disaster risk reduction policies.