When Uncertainty Motivates Identity Restoration in Religious Groups: The Hijra Phenomenon

Abstract

In the face of uncertainty, people tend to look for ways to manage discomfort, often through religion. Growing conservatism in the Muslim society in Indonesia has encouraged people to restore meaning when dealing with uncertainties triggered by a crisis. This study aims to explore the dynamics of meaning restoration through hijra, a collective spiritual transformation process. Using a qualitative approach, findings showed that people going through hijra were driven by significance loss and potential significance gain, both taking validation in relational significance and group identity. In Indonesia, where religion is acknowledged as central to identity, religious groups become a prescription sought for closure, and all are directed towards managing uncertainty and restoring significance. The study found that individuals started the hijra journey provoked by either personal significance loss or the need to gain significance and resorted to the collective orientation of relational significance to gain closure. Once a new collective identity is established through the spiritual transformation, significance is restored.

1. Introduction

Indonesian politics is indicative of an Islamic society moving in a conservative direction (Hamayotsu 2013). Following the growth of Islamic conservatism in Indonesia (Mietzner and Muhtadi 2018), the hijra movement has become a trending topic. Originally, the term hijra was defining the migration process conducted by Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina, from the land of non-believers to the land of Islam (Vroon and Annelies 2021) to expand his mission of da’wa (Sunesti et al. 2018). Despite the original definition being based on the migration experienced by Prophet Muhammad, the hijra phenomenon is a term that is embraced by individuals who claim to be undergoing a spiritual transformation to become a more devoted Muslim (Beta 2019; Lyansari 2019; Sunesti et al. 2018). This transformation demands compliance with Islamic law that includes manners of fashion, education, and the financial system.

A consumer-oriented approach is employed by engaging celebrity preachers, public figures, and digital platforms; proselytization thrives not only in mosques but also in contemporary public and social spaces (Fealy 2008) in an effort to attract younger members of the population. While the movements remain committed to the core principles of Islam, the approach was more casual and relevant. This engagement of celebrities and public figures is also seen in blossoming religious groups such as Kajian Musawarah, Terang Jakarta, and SHIFT. The hijra process is promoted to the younger population by using a pop-culture approach, employing digital platforms, and using narratives that are relatable to the youth.

Individuals who go through hijra experience different motivations, though many of them aim to become more devout Muslims (Hasan 2010). Others may perceive hijra as a religious movement that offers firm beliefs to reduce uncertainty (Hogg et al. 2010), to find closure (Kruglanski et al. 2006), and as a quest to restore significance (Kruglanski and Orehek 2011). However, due to the drastic changes driven by the hijra transformation process, the spirit of inviting others can be seen as enforcing beliefs and having moral superiority (Tappin and Mckay 2016; Leidner et al. 2010; Forchtner 2014). On the other hand, often the compliance and devotion levels prevent them from tolerating others who dissent or choose to exercise their beliefs differently. Therefore, in this study, we aim to understand how the dynamics of experiencing hijra can lead to intolerance.

Given these many opportunities to explore the complexity of the hijra process, this study attempts to explore the pathway to religious intolerance displayed by Indonesian Muslims in relation to their need to establish a new identity as an effort to restore significance. Previous studies have shown how uncertainty awakens a powerful motivation to reduce anxiety and find ways to regain meaning. Uncertainty–Identity Theory suggests how people are motivated to reduce uncertainty through group identification (Hogg 2007), while Terror Management Theory focuses on how mortality salience provokes anxiety that can be managed by a shared worldview to increase self-esteem (Greenberg et al. 1986). Significance-Quest Theory (Kruglanski and Orehek 2011) promoted the need for closure to manage uncertainty and introduced the concept of collectivistic shift that describes how groups can collectively offer a sense of significance and belonging.

This study will take a stand from the perspective of Uncertainty–Identity Theory as previous studies have shown how uncertainty and extremism show strong ties (Hogg 2013, 2014; Hogg and Adelman 2013) and how uncertainty is managed through group entitativity can be conducive to explain radicalism and zealotry (Hogg et al. 2010; Kruglanski et al. 2006; McGregor et al. 2008). At the extreme end of the spectrum, group entitativity embodies consensus and internal homogeneity, adhering to a rigid ideological belief system associated with a shared worldview and ritualized practices (Hogg and Adelman 2013). Grounding one’s beliefs and worldview is deemed to be a highly effective method of managing uncertainty when validated by like-minded others (Van Den Bos et al. 2005). Hence, identifying strongly with a collective group identity of like-minded others can help manage uncertainty and reduces anxiety.

In addition to the emphasis on managing uncertainty, this study reflected on how the hijra process derives from an epistemic motivation to restore significance. Thus, exploration from the perspective of Significance Quest Theory will also be employed. While the existing studies have focused on the extreme and violent radical behavior in groups (Jasko et al. 2016; Kruglanski et al. 2009; Kruglanski 2014, 2018), the formative stage of religious intolerance invites further exploration. Potentially offering opportunities to regain significance, hijra tempts those looking to manage uncertainties. Whether the evoked motives were epistemic, existential, or relational (Jost et al. 2009), the invitation to restore personal significance in the form of adopting a shared worldview is appealing. The hijra journey can also be seen as a collectivistic shift (Kruglanski 2014; Kruglanski et al. 2015). As a collectivistic shift is perceived as a greater orientation towards one’s group and its norms (Kruglanski 2014), religious collective movements such as hijra could function as a platform to understand how individuals who strive to restore significance make an effort to meet the standards of Islamic purification demanded by the hijra process itself.

Eventually, this study arrived at the question of how the process of social identity transformation through the hijra process, driven by uncertainty, contributes to the display of religious intolerance as an effort to regain personal significance. To answer this question, an exploratory study employing a qualitative method was conducted to gain insights and perspectives from people who are currently going through the hijra process. Emphasis was placed upon their motivation and other potential factors that evoked religious intolerance throughout the identity transformation process, individually and collectively.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Religious Intolerance in Indonesia

Rising intolerance in Indonesia is alarming. The post-New Order regime accommodates democracy (McCoy 2013) and social vigilantism, promoting intolerance and discriminatory behaviors (Menchik 2014). These circumstances expedited heated interactions between Muslim groups who were apprehensive about liberalism and religious pluralism (McCoy 2013). Previous democratic exercises, such as the 2017 gubernatorial and 2019 presidential elections endured a rising intolerant atmosphere. A national survey conducted by CSIS in 2017 discovered alarming intolerance levels toward different worldviews. Findings showed defiance towards the leadership of anyone other than the Muslim majority candidates. Similar results were revealed by another survey from PPIM et al. (2017), stating that perceived threats to the Muslim majority status quo were deemed to be contributory factors to the rising intolerance.

Previous studies agreed upon factors contributing to the development of religious intolerance. These studies discussed how personal uncertainty leads to a desire for closure (Brandt and Reyna 2010; Jost 2006; Jost et al. 2003; Kruglanski et al. 2006), and how personal uncertainty derived from individual worldviews comprised values, the future, attitudes, religions, beliefs, and more. When people believe that their worldviews are superior and righteous (Hogg 2013; Stephan and Stephan 1985; Stephan et al. 1999), people show resistance when being countered (Jacks and Cameron 2003; Brandt 2017; Saucier and Webster 2010), hence, challenges to this internalized worldview are often characterized as threats to their senses of self and identity (Stephan and Stephan 1985; Stephan et al. 1999).

To preserve gained closure from a chosen worldview, warranty is needed from like-minded others to validate both its firmness and sustainability. Collective agreement by salient groups offers that assurance (Goldman and Hogg 2016; Hogg and Smith 2007; Karpov et al. 2012). Collective beliefs also offer ways to manage uncertainty, reduce anxiety, and provide closure (Walker and Pettigrew 1984; Hogg and Adelman 2013). The need to preserve this closure then manifests itself in the form of belief superiority, which from the religious perspective is developed through the content and interpretation of religious teachings and the beliefs themselves (Brandt and Van Tongeren 2017). Literal interpretations of religious teachings display a greater tendency towards close-mindedness and regard different worldviews as threats than symbolic interpretation, which is more contextual.

This paper tries to tailor a dynamic that transforms personal uncertainty through the hijra process and the dynamics of developing religiously intolerant behavior. This paper will explore the relevant constructs promoting intolerance, such as uncertainties, followed by how identity is deconstructed and reformed through the hijra process transformation.

2.2. Identity Construction

The basis of an identity shift begins with a state of uncertainty following psychological distress, aggravating insecurities about the individual’s own life, and loss of religious significance. The principle of the Uncertainty–Identity Theory (Hogg 2007) claims that uncertainty creates repulsive feelings toward anticipated situations and actions. Consequently, uncertainty stimulates behavior that can manage anxiety and reduce uncertainty. In the face of uncertainty and need of self-protection, grounding one’s beliefs and worldviews with similar others helps manage anxiety and fortify their worldviews collectively (Van Den Bos et al. 2005). Due to the sense of predictability, certainty, and self-worth that these worldviews offer, those invested will seek to protect it from external challenges and perceived threats (Goplen and Plant 2015).

While trying to conserve and preserve their beliefs, people tend to selectively avoid others and isolate themselves from those of the outgroup. Furthermore, managing uncertainty can be accomplished effectively by group identification (Hogg and Adelman 2013). The need to protect and promote ideological integrity originates from a sense of moral superiority, and in the adversity of uncertainty, people display a need for closure by showing close-mindedness and intolerance (Hogg 2013). People who are going through the hijra process are also motivated by uncertainty that needs to be managed and demands closure.

When experiencing uncertainty and the need for amelioration is high, extreme groups and ideologies might look appealing as they offer the means to manage the inherent anxiety. Extreme ideologies and groups, typically rooted in religious and political fundamentalism, exhibit intolerance through rejection of scientific advancements (Scheufele et al. 2009), prejudice toward a variety of outgroups (Hunsberger and Jackson 2005), and violence (Ginges et al. 2009). As further explained by Brandt and Reyna (2010), fundamentalism promotes closure by protecting people from dissenting values, as well as providing order and stability. As for the hijra process, the demand for total adherence to Islamic teachings provides certainty and closure that enable individuals in the process to reduce their anxiety. Once individuals self-identify as a reborn Muslim, the tendency to protect that identity will be greater to ensure the sustainability of the newly established self.

2.3. From the Uncertainty-Identity Theory Perspective

The Uncertainty–Identity Theory (Hogg 2007) highlighted that uncertainties can be disconcerting and aversive, and people will attempt any measure to manage them. One effective approach is social categorization that abides by a group’s prototypes and sets standardized expectations for group members. Since prototypes are quite consensual, it helps validate one’s worldview and self-concept. Uncertainties prompt individuals to strive for belonging, predominantly to groups that can offer uncertainty reduction, referring to groups with clearly prescribed distinctive and consensual prototypes. The groups stand out in particular contexts as extremely conservative, with rigid ideologies and belief systems, adhering to an authoritative structure (Hogg 2014).

Due to the clear prescription of groups that can offer uncertainty management, religious groups stand out as one of the most sensible options. Religious groups fit the bill and tick the prototypes checklist, leave limited room for dissimilar others and act as a strict authority. This is a strong example of a well-defined black-and-white concept to reduce uncertainties and manage anxiety. Deriving from the point of uncertainty, individuals who are trying to create closure are particularly drawn to the appeal of religious groups. The ideology of the group itself might not be the magnet, but the collective identity attached to the group is what enhances and validates an individual’s meaningful self-concept and thus, allows them to be absorbed by the group’s collective identity.

Hence, Uncertainty–Identity Theory explains how and why people shift their social identity through a recategorization process to identify with the groups they wish to identify with. The epistemic motivation to search for meaning is overshadowed by the need to belong to certain groups that eventually might be the fundamental reason for the meaning-seeking process itself.

2.4. From a Significance Quest Theory Perspective

A loss of significance provokes individuals to grow an attachment to groups of similar others or perform a collectivistic shift (Klein and Kruglanski 2013; Kruglanski 2014) as an attempt to restore significance. Group membership and identification, although empowering (Swann et al. 2010) can also demand sacrifices on behalf of the group. Loss of significance can be prompted by many incidents of collective discrimination (e.g., Islamophobia) and humiliation (e.g., offensive actions towards religious icons), or foreign occupation (Pape and Hoveyda 2005). Significance Quest Theory focuses on how the loss of significance and the restoration of significance motivates a collectivistic shift that motivates defense on the group’s behalf (Kruglanski 2014).

From the perspective of Significance Quest Theory, hijra is seen as an identity transformation process provoked by the loss of significance which prompts individuals to establish a new social identity attached to groups. However, because the motivation lies strongly on significance restoration, this might display stronger nuances of the need to be identified by a particular religious group membership. Presumably, this is what is described as a collectivistic shift (Kruglanski 2014; Kruglanski et al. 2015), a quest to restore lost significance together by sharing a worldview with similar others.

Significance Quest Theory, while usually focused on extreme and radical behavior, can develop a new important milestone for this dynamic. People who are going through the hijra process are empowered by the need to restore significance, and accordingly, they will be willing to make sacrifices on behalf of their group (Kruglanski 2014). Those with stronger ties to groups that recently granted them a sense of belonging and collective identity, might not be so willing to exercise leniency and tolerance towards the outgroup members because they will need to uphold the group values and adhere to group norms and prototypes. Hence, an attitude of intolerance will be more solidified.

2.5. Hijra as a Collective Identity Transformation

Essentially, the perspective of social identity is intended to be viewed as an analysis of interaction related to group membership and group processes that focus on the relationship between the personal self and the collective self (Hogg et al. 2004). A further explanation emphasizes that an intergroup interaction requires people to relate as representatives of their groups (Hornsey 2008).

Being representatives of a group will result in individual identities being overshadowed by groups’ membership salience. It was argued that the dynamic of the interpersonal–intergroup interaction will result in shifts in how people perceive themselves and others as ‘us and them’ and activates the salient collective identities as group members (Hornsey 2008; Onorato and Turner 2004). Groups are mentally represented by prototypes, a set of standards that distinguish group members from others and strengthen the group’s entity (Hogg 2016). When individuals categorize themselves, they adopt the defining attributes of the favored group prototypes and adjust to the prescription to conform to group norms and become relevant as part of the ingroup.

Essentially, the hijra process can be seen as a process of group identification in an effort to adopt a new social identity. Derived from a critical point of experiencing psychological distress that provoked uncertainties, individuals realized that adoption of a new social identity is needed as the old self is no longer adequate to cope with the distress. Uncertainty management that promotes abstract incentives such as new social identity is perceived as more reliable as it can be evoked in their own mind (Kossowska and Sekerdej 2015).

Hijra as an identity transformation performs a dynamic of group identification in an effort to construct a collective identity that is relevant to the intended religious group. This collective identity becomes important as group attachment is imperative to manage the threat of personal significance loss (Kruglanski and Orehek 2011). A collectivist orientation of an adopted worldview then fuels the motivation to strengthen the collective identity. This is a result of a self-categorization reconfiguration that is collectively approved as clear boundaries which differentiate themselves from the outgroups.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Research Strategy

This study employed thematic analysis of the data collected through an open-ended questionnaire and interviews. The study aimed to understand the dynamics of the hijra process. Thematic analysis, one of the fundamental methods used in qualitative research, is used as an identification and analysis method that can derive underlying patterns and themes from the dataset. Thematic analysis grants not only flexibility for the collection of the data and the process of analysis but also generates insights by underlining key concepts which assist with interpretation of the data (Braun and Clarke 2006). Therefore, this study employed a thematic analysis due to its ability to facilitate flexibility and insight.

3.2. Selection Criteria

A purposive sampling method was used to ensure enriched information could be acquired and significant patterns could be explained by the respondent variations. The recruited participants varied based on age, gender, and occupation. The participants were individuals who had undergone their hijra process in the prior five years, in order to see the dynamics and transformation that they experienced in that short period of time. For the overseas respondents, interviews were conducted online. All respondents were informed in advance about the nature of the research and consented to being recorded.

3.3. Respondents

The open-ended questionnaires involved 69 respondents (M = 17; F = 52) while the interviews recruited 11 respondents (M = 3; F = 8), within the age range of 19 to 67 years old. Occupations varied from private sectors, homemakers, entrepreneurs, students, public servants, and others. The selection criteria are explained in the data collection method (

Table 1. Interview Respondents (Aliases Are Used to Ensure Confidentiality.

Codename	Biographical Note
Ren, 47, M	A public figure, motivator, and an entrepreneur. His hijra process started after a profound marital crisis and he was overwhelmed by wealth.
DS, 38, F	A public figure, an actress, and a brand ambassador. Half-Indonesian, born as a Muslim but did not learn about Islam until she experienced her second divorce and watched her mother suffering from a malignant disease.
ER, 49, F	A homemaker. Had a near-death experience from an illness. She started her hijra process when she realized she almost died and was not ready for the afterlife.
EP, 37, M	An addict counselor and humanitarian activist. His transformation began when he developed a sense of emptiness in life, and a series of illnesses were experienced by his wife and children.
Rus, 34, F	A homemaker and alternative healer. A niqabi who started wearing her niqab (face cover) after being approached by a fellow mother at her children’s school.
DN, 34, F	One of the first Indonesian designers to wear a niqab. She is deemed controversial by fellow niqabis for her line of work as a modest fashion designer.
IDF, 38, F	A homemaker and environmental activist. She started hijra after losing her third baby due to stillbirth.
UD, 55, M	A moderate Salafi clerk. Often discouraged for being perceived as not pure enough as a Salafist.
RK, 40, F	A homemaker. Started her hijra when she faced marital problems. Does not prefer to be categorized into groups.
Put, 32, F	A single parent with two children. Was in a polygamous relationship and strongly identifies herself as an Islamic youth club activist. Hijra was a commitment she made with her ex-husband before they were married.
Te, 42, F	Former musician and artist from a broken home family, and a remarried divorcee.

).

3.4. Data Collection Method

The current study collected information from 69 respondents from the open-ended questionnaire and 11 respondents consented to be interviewed. These respondents were recruited based on their observable transformation throughout their hijra journey. The respondents ranged between 3 and 10 years of their hijra process and comprised both genders. Their background varies from homemakers, public figures, and entrepreneurs to employees. In addition to the respondents’ variety, an Islamic clerk was also interviewed to bring perspective to the observed phenomenon.

Both the open-ended questionnaire and interview questions were based on the topic of the hijra process and how the respondents perceived the phenomenon. The open-ended questionnaire consisted of 11 items as shown in

Table 2. Open-ended questionnaire items.

No.	Questions	Answer	Probing (When Answered Yes)
1	Did you experience any changes after hijra?	Yes/No	Why did you feel those changes? What are the changes you experienced?
2	Hijra is a spiritual journey to me	Yes/No	Explain why hijra is a spiritual journey to you.
3	Hijra strengthens a Muslim’s identity.	Yes/No	Explain how hijra strengthen your identity as a Muslim.
4	Hijra is a way to promote the sharia principles	Yes/No	Explain how hijra helps promote sharia principles
5	I don’t mind befriending fellow Muslims who have not gone through hijra	Yes/No	Explain why you don’t mind befriending fellow Muslims who have not gone through hijra
6	We need to promote hijra to our fellow Muslims	Yes/No	Why do you need to promote hijra to your fellow Muslims?
7	Fellow Muslims who have not gone through hijra don’t share my worldview	Yes/No	Why do you think that fellow Muslims who have not gone through hijra don’t share your worldview?
8	Did you go through hijra on your own free will?	Yes/No	What was your reasons/motivation for hijra?
9	Did you go through hijra because your parents/spouse/friends invite you along?	Yes/No	Who has the most influence in your decision making towards hijra? Why is that person(s) has the most influence in your decision making towards hijra?
10	Going through hijra needs to be on your own will	Yes/No	Why does going through hijra need to be on your own will?
11	It’s better to go through hijra with your friend/spouse/family	Yes/No	Why do you think it’s better to go through hijra with your friend/spouse/family?

.

As for the interview, general questions such as “Please tell me about your how you started your hijra process” and “What kind of changes did you experience after the hijra?” were asked. For the interviews, probing was conducted to elaborate details of the experience, motivation, and transformation process of the hijra and their perception of those who choose to exercise different types and styles of religious practices.

While the open-ended questionnaire’s survey link was disseminated through digital platforms (WhatsApp and email), the interviews were conducted either in face-to-face interviews or through phone interviews. Phone interviews worked best for those living out of town or having commuting issues, and some of the respondents were not comfortable being interviewed in person, particularly by a female researcher. In one of the phone interviews with a male respondent, the interview was put on speaker to offer transparency to the respondent’s spouse who was present and listening in. The length of each interview was between 45 and 90 minutes maximum. Once the interview was concluded, debriefing was conducted off the record since some of the developments of the explored topics were prone to recollection of memories of unpleasant experiences, perceptions, tensions, and contradictory opinions.

3.5. Method of Analysis

The collected data was analyzed and coded to establish the consistency of the emerging themes. From the extracted data, the first analysis recognized repeated perspectives that could be explored more deeply. The analysis employed open coding, axial coding, and selective coding procedures (Strauss and Corbin 2008). Open coding was used to identify and develop concepts through naming and categorizing the dimensions of the studied hijra phenomenon. This was followed by axial coding, which served the purpose of sense-making of the categorized data and determined major themes. Lastly, selective coding was used to conceptualize theory for the dynamics of the hijra transformation of identity.

4. Results

The emerging themes from the findings showed that the hijra journey was motivated by a state of uncertainty that led to significance loss, or the potential of significance gain. Significance loss was emphasized through the awareness of death and its afterlife leading to anxiety, and major crises such as the loss of loved ones. These situations could be overwhelming and could lead to a state of uncertainty that needed to be managed. Attempts to regain meaning then resulted in a collective orientation, a relational motive, to seek validation from like-minded others.

The other theme that surfaced was of significance gain. This is where individuals who went through hijra displayed their epistemic motive to regain meaning. It was empowering in the sense that it brought a sense of glory through enlightenment, redemption, piety, and devotion. Similar to significance loss, some individuals with the path of significance gain also resorted to the company of like-minded people to protect their revamped worldview. The quest could be provoked by the need to be accepted and maintain relations with significant others. Hence, individuals would tend to concur with their significant others’ worldview in an attempt to preserve social relationships.

4.1. Managing Uncertainty as a Hijra Motivation

The quest for meaning underpins the reasoning of those who went through hijra. When they were at their lowest point in their life, they began to seek out their existential raison d’être. The sense of emptiness rose from the realization that they had lost their meaning in life and attempted to restore their significance. Crisis became a turning point and motivated the transformation.

[Ren] My reason of hijra was because I realized I will die, and I thought “Oh Allah, what will happen when I die?”. Second, when you have very little money, or too much money. Third, my marital problems, so many relationship crises.

[DS] At that time it was my second divorce. My mom was critically sick, with a kidney failure. So that was two years of watching her deteriorate into such a state. You know when you watch a person who was really healthy go to skin and bones, and you know she is literally surviving through that. And you watch this, you are like, “Wow, life is no joke!”. You don’t take care of yourself; you know it’ll happen. Even if you do take care of yourself, in the end of the day you are still going to die. And watching that is also like a big wake-up call. It’s a big self-realization that we are helpless at the end of the day. And we need something greater to actually pull ourselves out and make ourselves like, like faith. Faith makes us understand what is to come next.

[ER] I was admitted to the ICU, and I thought “this is it, my time has come to an end”. I was ready to go and say goodbye. I was half conscious when I was in the ICU, and I realized “Why am I still here? Why am I not buried yet?”. At that time, I felt so close to death. From that moment on I realized how small and insignificant I was, and that I was not prepared for death. In addition to that, not long after I saw a relative who died suddenly without any symptoms of sickness. That was my turning point. I told myself I needed to change.

[EP] It was my anxiety in life. I mean I had a job, a family, and many other things, and yet I felt emptiness in life. There were also moments when my wife and children were often sick, among other misfortunate events. I was working with a Catholic NGO and at that time a colleague was surprised to see me pray because she thought I was a non-Muslim, and that really bothers me. To think that I may not be identified as a Muslim because of my associations with other religion’s organizations and people. I was terrified that Allah will forsake me and take away my faith. So, I decided to resign and started my hijra in 2013.

The need to restore significance became paramount for those who chose to go through hijra. Many of them perceived this episode as an opportunity to re-establish life on a religious pathway after experiencing significance loss. Since this was a vulnerable episode caused by the realization of having so many uncertainties in life that provoked anxiety and required closure, individuals felt the need to find firm ground and stability, often offered by rigid religious teachings.

4.2. Literal versus Symbolic Religious Teachings Interpretive Styles

The hijra is interpreted generally by the respondents as a spiritual transformation to become a devout Muslim as their new identity through a rebirth phase. The pace of the transformation itself was perceived differently, some understood it as a transformation that left no room for questions, leniency, and disobedience, while some others chose gradual steps and allowed certain flexibilities in processing the journey. How individuals set the pace of their transformation was related to their preferred style of interpretation of religious teachings itself, which according to Wulff (1997) is known as literal and symbolic interpretation. As religious teachings can be interpreted literally and symbolically, the favored style of interpretations affected the choice of groups and tolerance level towards the dissent of others.

Not only does literal interpretation tend to reject any forms of leniency, acculturation, innovation, and compromising of the religious teachings, it also sustains rigid implementation and avoids interacting with others perceived as threatening.

[Rus] What scared me the most was the saying that the hijab should be very loose. That’s the interpretation. Very loose and covering the chest. Apparently faces are also included as aurat [areas that should not be seen]. Hands, too. From there on, I understood better. Before, I only read An Nur verses, before hijra, I was following verse 31. After hijra, I was shown a more accurate verse, and realized all this time I was not up to the standard. Not that I was wrong, but not quite right on how I wore the hijab. It should be covering the whole body.

[Rus] Well, they applied very little of the sunnah, and the gap is huge. For the departed ones, they recite Quranic verses. So, it’s different aqidah [religious practices], so many different things.

[ER] What is it that makes those teachers improper? Apparently sometimes they play in the grey areas. Because they still need to attract their audience, so they think it’s OK to be lenient. For those who have understand, they will not exercise that to attract their audience.

[EP] In several non-Salafi groups, they still adopt traditions that were not set as examples by Prophet Muhammad.

On the other hand, the symbolic interpreters choose to be open-minded and understanding contextual background to their religious teachings. They have a determination of the values that they uphold but do not refrain from being exposed to different groups and teachings. They feel confident about their own search for knowledge and open to various interactions.

[DN] This is what I think; every teacher is an analogy of a fish. Every fish, big and small, has their flesh and bones. We take their flesh and leave the bones out. No need to fuss about the bones if we can benefit from the flesh.

[DS] The thing I can say is well, I am a student. So, when I feel like I want to attend a religious class that I think is very interesting, I ask permission from my teacher. When permission is granted, I go.

The symbolic interpreters tended to be more individual in going through their hijra process, as they were not reluctant to participate in learning processes with other group members. They also preferred not to be exclusively identified with any groups, as being a Muslim is their ultimate identity.

[Ren] Perhaps it is also the question of “Which group do you belong to?”. I choose not to affiliate myself, either with the Musawarah or Terang Jakarta, or other groups. I just, I just, I just come if, if the time permits. That’s it.

[DS] The only identity that I will bring out of Islam, is ‘I’m a student and I wish to learn’. I don’t want to go by the name of this group or that affiliation. I mean people are free to do that and I find it okay. But at the end of the day it’s… now there are people who exclusively categorize themselves and others based on the religious groups they study with.

4.3. Hijra Identity Transformation through Collective Orientation

To many, hijra is seen as a major turning point in their lives. The idea of rebirth attracts people with the need for certainty derived from the sense that the old self is no longer able to be an identity referral; therefore, a new identity needs to be established. This is relevant with Hogg and Adelman’s (2013) claim that uncertainty needs to be reduced and this is when group identification contributes effectively. Hijra directs individuals to conform to a prescription of behavior and interaction with others, because only when the prototype standards are met can individuals be part of the ‘we’ and ‘us’ of the shared worldview and identity validated by fellow group members.

[EP] I had the curiosity whether people were actually forced to learn about their religion. I thought “Is it really like that?”. So, I went to NU [Nadhlatul Ulama] classes, Muhammadiyah classes, HTI [Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia] classes, and Salafi classes. I ended up choosing Salafi teachings, it makes me feel calm, comfortable, free from judgment, and less worried.

[EP].. I also became more confident to change my wardrobe into the sunnah style, growing beard, and everything else. Applying what I have learned, as I know once we know about the law, it is mandatory for us to abide to it as a consequence.

[IDF] I was 35 when I realized what Islam was really about. So that’s how Islam really is. That was highly impactful to my life, to the new me I became.

[RK] Slowly I stopped doing the usual culture that I have done for years, like birthdays. I also refrain myself from making physical contact with the opposite sex who are not immediate family members. This created an uproar in the extended family because they see me as weird and rejecting hablumminan naas [social contact].

Hijra is perceived as a way to find meaning and to reinvent a new identity as a devout Muslim in the comfort of the groups and communities. While certain people chose individuality, others identified themselves with groups. Those who were independent in their hijra journey were more open and tolerant than those who highly identified themselves with groups, which tended to be protective of the collective worldview.

4.4. Tendency for Protection of the New Identity

Because the new collective identity is established through the same transformational journey, and because the path of redemption is claimed as the purest one, individuals tend to believe that they are the righteous ones and more morally pure than others. The feeling of superiority will be directed towards others to protect the newly adopted identity.

Elevated self-uncertainty is also prone to cause identification with radical groups and could potentially transform members into zealots (Hogg and Adelman 2013). Hence, it manifested in refraining from particular social contacts with different groups and protecting against those who challenged or threatened their worldview by discrediting others as less moral.

Hijra demands total adherence to Islamic teachings and yet, people go through the process at a different pace. Some swiftly alter their lifestyle, while others choose to take it gradually. Those who were able to adjust their lifestyle drastically, often compared their success to others whose journeys took gradual incremental steps. With their new identity as a devout Muslim, they assumed ownership of the higher moral ground because they practiced a lifestyle that was demonstrated by the prophet Muhammad and appointed themselves to be a messenger to those they deemed in need of enlightenment.

[IDF] Then I started wearing the extra fabric, big clothes, bigger hijab, and I began to be very harsh on the people around me. I came on very strong delivering the teachings. Yes or no, nothing in between. Because we need to deliver the truth. I even came on that strong to my husband as well.

[Rus] Hijra should be measured by piety. If you’re really going through a hijra process, you should be really modest instead of following fashion trends. Including for hijab and niqab, what’s trending drives you to buy the new trendy ones. I think that’s not how it should be.

[EP] Those people only followed brands that were marketed as religious, but not necessarily understood the consequences of hijra itself, which is total adherence to the Islamic teachings of sunnah, and what Allah commands to the prophets. For example, some people claimed to have gone through a hijra process but still play music, which is forbidden in Islam. It means that it is not absolute adherence, only to try and become part of the mainstream trend. When the hijra process demands to change your appearance, for example, they refuse to oblige. That’s not hijra.

[ER] Why not? His delivery is good, his books are recommended by the scholars and teachers graduated from Medina. Apparently, his teachers have different understandings and interpretations. Since then, I am very selective about the teachers and classes I follow.

As the pathway of hijra is observed as the righteous way to purify the Islamic teachings, those who practice differently are perceived as less devout Muslims. Therefore, the behavior displayed towards those considered less devout is either persuasive, in an effort to recruit them, or derogating them as a protective measure of the new identity.

5. Discussion

Hijra is a process evoked by a state of uncertainty that motivates individuals to find closure in religion. Their chosen belief is then interpreted either literally or symbolically to suit an individual’s need for closure. These interpretive styles of religious teachings segregate individuals, although not always rigidly, into groups they can resonate with and who validate their worldviews in return. Those who are driven more by the need to manage uncertainty through others’ validation might find themselves adopting a group’s collective identity, while those who are focused to search for significance exercise adaptability and openness towards different groups. The present study found that individuals began their hijra journey motivated by either a loss of personal significance or the need to gain significance, which then resorted to collective orientation of relational significance to gain closure. Once a new collective identity was established as the result of the spiritual transformation, significance was restored.

Respondents of this study have been through the process of hijra for a few years and the journey was initiated by a psychological distress that evoked a state of uncertainty. To reduce anxiety and manage uncertainty, they looked for solace in religion. In a country where religion has become a central identity, religious groups have become a natural choice for those seeking closure. Developed motivations range from epistemic to existential and relational (Hennes et al. 2012) and are all directed towards managing uncertainty and restoring significance.

The findings show that going through the pathway of hijra allows individuals to develop preferences on how they choose to have their identity transformed. Some favored identifying themselves with a cohesive religious group, while some chose to focus on a more independent journey, all in the spirit of a quest to restore meaning to their lives. The dynamics are not to be claimed as strictly rigid as there are also bouncing moments that, along with the process of transformed identity, indicate an impact on their protective attitude and intolerance towards people with different ways of practicing religion. These findings resonate with a study that stated the tendency to manage uncertainty, when associated with belief in God, increased prejudice towards groups of different others (Kossowska and Sekerdej 2015).

Contributing to the body of knowledge of Uncertainty–Identity Theory (UIT) and Significance Quest Theory (SQT), this study is oriented to explore hijra as a transformational journey. Both theories highlight the importance of group identification (UIT) and collectivistic shift (SQT) as a prescription for how collective orientation is promoted to manage uncertainty and offers protection to the newly transformed identity. As the identity embarked from uncertainty and onto the significance quest, it also highlights the process’ collateral impact of religious intolerance advancement. Particularly for SQT, this study aimed to explore the concept of collectivistic shift that is presumed to be similar to how hijra promotes greater orientation towards the religious groups that offer a new identity. This study invites further investigation into how a collectivistic shift can mediate religious intolerance. Furthermore, due to the explorative nature of this study, further studies can benefit by looking into the sustainability of the newly developed identity.

6. Conclusions

Understanding hijra as a process of transformed identity offers a new perspective on its complex dynamics and dimension. As hijra was activated by compromised life meaning, either the loss of significance or potential significance gain, hijra allows individuals to identify themselves with like-minded people and find comfort through the validation of others, which in return ensures that the epistemic needs are met. Significance Quest Theory is implied in the manifestation of negative attitude towards the outgroup, which promotes intolerance towards different others and does not necessarily result in violence, and yet is able to offer validation from similar others as means to regain meaning in life. Once identification is fulfilled and shared worldview is validated and protected collectively, significance is restored.