Residents’ Perceptions of Tourism Gentrification in Traditional Industrial Areas Using Q Methodology

Abstract

Tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas presents issues regarding the privatization of public spaces, transformation of public services to cater to tourists, erosion of community social bonds, and the commodification of regional consumption, which has far-reaching impacts on residents’ stress and their desire to relocate. This study aims to understand the impact of tourism gentrification from residents’ perspectives with a case study of the 798 Industrial Art Zone in Beijing, China. Using Q methodology, residents living in the community (N = 20) were involved in the interviews. The finalized statements (N = 26) were derived from the interviews. Based on the stress threshold theory, the results revealed four factors that influence residents’ stress: neighboring environment, community attachment, economic interest, and cultural identity. This study further proposes a framework with four dimensions (i.e., environmental, relational, economic, and emotional) to explain the relocation decision-making of residents in traditional industrial areas due to stress from interactions with migrants and visitors, and changes to the place-functions of industrial regions and communities. This study is the first to conceptualize tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas by elucidating the residents’ stress. It provides practical guidance for policymakers and destination marketing organizations for promoting the sustainable development of industrial tourism.

1. Introduction

Traditional industrial area construction relies on a variety of natural resources, such as coal, steel, and oil. In these sprawling domains, large isolated industrial plants and enterprises, together with various medical services, basic supporting facilities, and industrial workplaces, represent these regions [1]. With the development of the world economy from industrialization to post-industrialization, many traditional industrial areas have experienced a long-term economic depression, gradually declining due to several issues, such as economic structure adjustment, single industrial structure, and resource depletion [2]. A worldwide challenge is transforming these abandoned industrial areas.

With the traditional industrial areas’ production functions gradually disappearing, rich industrial heritages benefit the development of industrial tourism [3]. Industrial buildings and squares can provide unique cultural elements and spatial resources for leisure, entertainment, and arts development in urban cities, becoming a strategic solution for those industrial areas, such as industrial theme parks and museums [4]. Countries all over the world have prioritized abandoned industrial sites for policy support and promoted tourism development, such as Colombia in Latin America, Busan in South Korea, the Carlsberg Brewery in Denmark, Turin in Italy, and Cologne in Germany [5,6,7]. As a result, the transformation of industrial areas for tourism promotes the optimization of regional economic and industrial structure, solutions for social employment, improvement of the ecological environment, and the continuation of industrial culture [8,9].

However, the transformation of tourism development brings significant challenges regarding gentrification. Gentrification (gentry), coined by Glass [10], explains the process of the middle-class returning from the decaying cities to the rural areas and transforming the living spaces of low-income people, which triggers the change in class status of populations and community spaces. Later, this concept was developed in the tourism context. With tourism development and globalization, tourism gentrification has become a social trend, resulting in severe local and residential issues [11]. Previous studies of tourism gentrification have primarily focused on historical and cultural monuments and landscapes [12,13,14,15], thus creating a gap in tourism gentrification research in the context of traditional industrial areas. In particular, the residents who previously worked in the industry as hosts become marginalized in the process of tourism gentrification. Therefore, this study targets residents’ perspectives and attempts to understand their perceptions toward the impacts of tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas, which may lead to their behaviors regarding relocation.

The stress threshold theory explains the phenomenon of how residential relocations occur when the stress from the living environment exceeds the threshold of residents’ tolerance [16]. Based on the stress threshold theory, this study investigates how tourism gentrification affects residents’ stress and influences them to make migration decisions. Q methodology is employed to overcome the limitations of both quantitative and qualitative methods and support small sample sizes, but few studies have employed this method [17,18,19]. Due to the difficulty of data collection during the pandemic, Q methodology is an effective and appropriate method to develop a framework for understanding residents’ perceptions of tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas. The 798 Art Zone in Beijing, China, a symbolic example of tourism development integrating industrial heritage with arts and fashion in traditional industrial areas, is the focus of this study. Therefore, this study aims to (1) investigate the patterns of residents’ stress caused by tourism gentrification in the 798 Art Zone, and (2) provide a conceptual framework to elucidate the impact of tourism gentrification on residents’ decisions to relocate from traditional industrial areas. This study contributes to the knowledge of tourism gentrification in the context of traditional industrial areas from residents’ perspectives. This study also provides practical guidance for resolving the conflicts between visitors and residents and promoting sustainable industrial tourism development.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Tourism Gentrification

The concept of gentrification introduced by Glass [10] refers to the transformation of a previously lower-income or deteriorated area into one that is more upscale, often characterized by an influx of wealthier residents, businesses, and investments. For example, supergentrification describes the phenomenon of the high-income class replacing the blue- and white-collar workers in urban central areas [20]. Rural gentrification demonstrates the process of the middle-class moving into rural areas in pursuit of living in comfort and leisure, which leads local people to leave, eventually transforming the class demographics of the area [21]. Tourism gentrification was first introduced by Gotham (2005) [22] from Tulane University [15], and then drew attention from various disciplines [13,23,24].

Tourism gentrification refers to the process of changing areas from middle-class neighborhoods to wealthy and exclusive places driven by the development of tourism and entertainment [22]. Tourism gentrification, a distinctive form, is primarily characterized by its labor-intensive nature [25]. Tourism development requires a substantial workforce of service practitioners and managers, attracting a number of migrant workers to engage in the tourism sector. This type of tourism could result in the touristification of local businesses and activities [26]. The complex characteristics of people flow, logistics, and capital within the process of tourism gentrification determine that the role of tourism gentrification is not only limited to the neighborhood, but also involves the broader regions [27].

Scholars look at the concept of tourism gentrification by considering multiple facets. From the tourists’ aspect, touristification represents the process of creating spaces tailored to tourists’ lifestyles [28]. From a marketing standpoint, commercial gentrification is regarded as the replacement of independent and local businesses with national or international tourism-related chain stores and upscale facilities [26]. However, the impacts of gentrification are subject to debate. Proponents argue that it can lead to the revitalization of decaying neighborhoods, improved infrastructure, and economic growth [23], whereas critics point to the potential for displacement, loss of cultural diversity, and increased inequality [15]. Gentrification is a topic of ongoing research, as communities seek ways to balance the benefits and challenges associated with this transformation. Therefore, residents should be acknowledged as playing an important role in the process of tourism gentrification [29]. The impact of tourism gentrification on residents is profound, as it can lead to neighborhood demographic, economic, and sociocultural transformations that critically affect residents’ lifestyles, which currently remain underexplored in the literature.

2.2. Impacts of Tourism Gentrification

The negative impacts of tourism gentrification, including class differentiation and inequality, rising property values and rents, loss of livelihood of residents, social isolation, job instability, and poverty, have been studied by many scholars [30,31,32]. Accordingly, tourism gentrification leads to a severe issue of social polarization [31]. Given the labor-intensive characteristics of tourism, gentrification is more prevalent in low-income communities. This kind of invisible social polarization manifests as the transformation to the touristification of consumption and production [33], which may not be beneficial for the community. In particular, original residential properties are transformed according to the needs of tourists, which causes the original residents to feel a sense of alienation and exclusion. The loss of industrial spiritual places and gathering places of the indigenous people can result in a reduction in income and invisible life pressure [34]. Thus, tourism gentrification accelerates the capital accumulation of wealthy groups and leads to a disparity between classes. Real estate developers then use the class differences to enhance land values, investment, and redevelopment. Tourism gentrification indirectly improves the environment and infrastructure around communities, increases the price of surrounding land, and aggravates social differentiation and population flow [35]. However, it alienates the indigenous people who have lived there for generations.

In addition, displacement is one of the debated issues, manifested as the original residents leaving their apartments or residences due to tourism development [33]. As the middle-class continues to move into these areas, it results in a substantial transformation of the region’s social and economic structure [36]. The process of gentrification can lead to the phenomenon of displacement, including direct (i.e., physical and economic displacement) and indirect displacement (i.e., potential and exclusive displacement) [37]. Specifically, physical displacement is due to changes in the housing structure in the living environment, resulting in forced evictions. For example, residents may move out due to water and power cuts. Economic displacement is the most common form of gentrification, referring to households being compelled to move due to surging property prices and rents. The sharp reduction in affordable housing options for original residents often leads to their displacement from gentrifying communities. On the other hand, indirect displacement encompasses exclusive and potential displacement, including more psychological stressors. Exclusive displacement means that the gentrification process makes it difficult for the original residents to return under the same economic conditions. In gentrified residential areas, the choices of residential houses for the original residents are limited, resulting in the original residents moving out of the block and never returning. Potential displacement refers to the enormous changes in the community caused by gentrification, which will lead to cultural changes, population migration, business changes, etc. The original residents have psychological stress and lose the sense of belonging to the community, which causes residence relocation [32]. Thus, tourism gentrification affects the local economy and residents’ well-being and results in a severe issue of displacement, which is the focus of this study.

2.3. Tourism Gentrification in Traditional Industrial Areas

Tourism gentrification in urban areas is developed by relying on three types of sites: historical and cultural monuments, landscapes, and abandoned industrial sites [38]. Historical and cultural monuments mainly come with relatively rich historical and cultural resources, which are developed by building tourist attractions using historical blocks and cultural aesthetics, combining business activities with residents’ lives. The second type can be divided into natural and artificial landscapes. Natural landscapes refer to the attractions of existing natural resources to drive regional development. Humans create artificial landscapes by integrating infrastructures with environmental elements. Lastly, in traditional industrial areas, gentrification is a process of the revitalization of abandonment and deterioration, which is a widespread phenomenon in the field of geography and sociology [39]. The revival of abandoned industrial sites is common, such as remodeling industrial infrastructure, establishing convenient transportation, and enhancing entertainment facilities. The growing industrial tourism drives positive outcomes for public and private actors and enhances the sustainable goals of post-industrial tourism [40].

Some scholars have explored the concept of tourism gentrification as it affects historical and cultural districts and rural tourism [23,41,42]. However, characteristics differ between historical and rural areas and traditional industrial areas. Specifically, in the tourism gentrification of historical, cultural, and rural areas, residents have direct and close connections with visitors. Hence, the social isolation caused by tourism is less obvious. However, the housing spaces in traditional industrial areas are mostly separated from factories. Once the conventional production function of the industrial regions is transformed into leisure and entertainment functions, the identity of residents changes. Residents are no longer the stakeholders in the spaces but become the bystanders in the area, resulting in a more pronounced sense of social isolation. Thus, the growing impact of industrial tourism and subsequent gentrification as a global trend creates complex challenges for local communities and residential areas.

Tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas has become increasingly complicated because tourism in traditional industrial areas intertwines with other consumption and production processes, blurring distinctions between visitor-centric and local community spaces. Tourism transformation in traditional industrial areas has fundamentally altered the utilization of buildings and spaces [24]. These industrial areas, formerly dedicated to residents’ daily work and life, are progressively transitioning towards privatization and catering primarily to tourism. Therefore, we argue that the conceptualization of tourism gentrification in traditional industrial regions should take into account the transformation of the spatial functions and attributes of the industrial heritage, as well as the indigenous identity and culture of residents and migrant workers.

In terms of the impacts of tourism gentrification on traditional industrial areas, conflicts can arise between the functions of spaces for tourism and residence, presenting four aspects. Specifically, firstly, one of the conflicts manifests as the privatization of public spaces within industrial areas, referring to the process by which public spaces that were once accessible and controlled by the community or local government are transferred into private ownership or management. For instance, reduced spaces for non-commercial activities, overcrowding in public spaces, and the loss of essential gathering places [43]. The privatization of public spaces in industrial areas is a complex issue that often involves a balance between economic development goals and the preservation of public access, community identity, and cultural heritage. It requires careful consideration of the interests of all stakeholders and the potential long-term impacts on the community and the industrial area. Secondly, there is a trend towards the touristification of public services, describing a situation in which public services, which are typically provided for the benefit of local residents, are heavily influenced or adapted to cater to the needs and preferences of tourists. This includes changes in local supply systems, traffic congestion, and the emergence of new venues [44]. Balancing the benefits and challenges of touristification of public services is essential because this phenomenon can have both positive and negative effects, depending on the context. Hence, sustainability, preservation of local culture, and community well-being should be integral parts of the planning process to ensure that the transformation of public services benefits everyone involved. Thirdly, the changes can lead to the erosion of social bonds within the community, defined as the weakening or breaking of social connections and relationships, polarization, the fragmentation of regional culture, and loss of the sense of unity that typically exists among community members [45]. Efforts to address the erosion of social bonds within a community may involve community-building initiatives, social programs, neighborhood associations, and strategies that encourage engagement and cooperation among residents. Lastly, the commodification of regional consumption, marked by shifts in consumption patterns and the emergence of new business models, can further strain the community [46]. This phenomenon involves transforming aspects of a region’s culture, tradition, or unique characteristics into marketable commodities for tourists, consumers, or businesses. Balancing the economic benefits of the commodification of regional consumption with concerns related to cultural preservation, authenticity, and community well-being is a complex task.

In traditional industrial areas, community spaces are not solely residential but also serve leisure and tourism purposes. The transformation of these areas to cater to tourism can reshape the physical landscape and alter the community’s demographics to align with tourism development. However, for most residents, the benefits of tourism development remain elusive, leading to negative impacts on the societal, economic, cultural, emotional, and environmental aspects of both industrial and surrounding areas. Therefore, this study investigates residents’ perceptions of displacement as a result of tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas.

2.4. Stress Threshold Theory

Stress is inevitable in our daily lives, affecting people differently [10]. Thus, people must cope with stress and maintain physical and mental health. The concept of stress threshold is related to stress management and individual responses to stress [16]. It suggests that each person has a specific level of stress that they can tolerate or handle before experiencing adverse physical or psychological effects. Beyond this threshold, excessive stress can lead to various adverse outcomes, including physical and mental health problems and decreased overall well-being. This concept has been widely used in multiple disciplines. For instance, stress threshold is often used to explain how individuals respond to different stressors in psychology [16]. It is related to the idea of resilience, whereby individuals have varying capacities to withstand stress before experiencing negative psychological outcomes. In sociology, the concept of a stress threshold can be applied to communities and social systems [15]. It relates to the point at which social cohesion breaks down under the influence of external stressors, potentially leading to social conflict.

In terms of gentrification, the stress threshold can be understood as the point at which the negative impacts of gentrification become so pronounced that they disrupt the well-being and cohesion of a community [29]. Recent studies have investigated the negative impact of gentrification, such as displacement, cultural loss, and social tensions [26,28,37]. Among these issues, displacement has become the most severe problem. When a significant number of long-term, lower-income residents are pushed out of a gentrifying neighborhood due to rising property values and rents, it can reach a stress threshold where the community’s social fabric is severely disrupted. Thus, the stress threshold theory posits that relocation is a behavior caused by residents’ dissatisfaction and anxiety about the current living environment, and it is a process of an individual or family adapting to the living environment [28].

Accordingly, tourism gentrification can be viewed as a reflection of the pressures arising from the material and social aspects of residents’ living environment, with displacement being the ultimate outcome. This displacement encompasses both direct and indirect forms, including residents being compelled to leave their communities or voluntarily choosing to relocate due to the pressures emanating from their material and social surroundings. Building upon the foundational concepts of tourism gentrification and considering the unique attributes of traditional industrial regions, in this study, we define tourism gentrification as a process driven by the reconfiguration of spatial functions and the transformation of service provisions, resulting in displacement. Within this context, the original residents, especially the retired factory workers, have gradually been marginalized and feel severe psychological stress from their lost rights as hosts. Despite tourism development’s overarching goal of maximizing the benefits for all stakeholders, it is essential to recognize and address the conflicts, including heightened social differentiation, the erosion of cultural ambiance, and disparities in public service provision. Therefore, this study focuses on residents’ stress regarding tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas by investigating residents’ stress formation, which shapes their relocation decisions.

3. Method

3.1. Research Site

798 Art Zone is located in Beijing, China. It was initially the state-owned 718 Joint Factor, then formed spontaneously close to the market and was established by the state as a national cultural and creative art zone [47]. Since the first batch of artists settled in 1995, a large number of artists moved in and established studios and workshops, including design exhibitions, art performances, and commercials (e.g., bar and handcraft stores). Thus, the 798 Art Zone became an essential and innovative attraction for visitors. The original people belonging to the 718 Joint Factor live next to the 798 Art Zone and have formed the community for more than 60 years, named the “Dashanzi community” (shown in Figure 1). The issues in the community (e.g., sanitation, traffic congestion, noise, and complex population) have seriously affected the daily life of community residents [21]. In the past 20 years, the phenomenon of gentrification has become evident in the community. As more tenants moved in, constant reconstruction expanded the commercial areas. However, many former industrial area residents, now retired, have limited involvement in or have never visited the 798 Art Zone, leading to a gradual weakening of their ties to the original industrial areas.

3.2. Procedures

This study employed Q methodology to uncover the residents’ subjective perceptions regarding the impact of the tourism development of the 798 Art Zone in order to understand their stress related to tourism gentrification. Q methodology is a psychological research method that focuses on personal feelings, attitudes, and opinions [48]. It is a scientific approach to studying human subjectivity, as it requires respondents to express their subjective feelings and ideas clearly and profoundly, while emphasizing the collection of individual opinions [49]. In essence, Q methodology tests a limited number of people using a set of items. It aims to quantitatively measure subjectivity by combining qualitative approaches with data manipulation techniques commonly found in quantitative research. This approach has the representativeness and feasibility of large-scale statistical analysis and harnesses the analytical strengths of both qualitative and quantitative research [20]. Data collection and analysis followed the steps of Q methodology outlined in previous tourism studies, including Q statement generation, Q sample selection, P sample selection, and Q sorting [50].

In the first step, the goal was to gather Q statements through semi-structured interviews and previous studies. The interviews were conducted from 9 April to 18 April 2021, involving ten participants who were formerly factory workers and now live in the Dashanzi community. They were asked about their feelings and opinions regarding landscape, transportation, public facilities, neighborhood, and tourism’s impact on the community. For example, “What changes are there in the community since the development of the 798 Art Zone?”, “How has tourism development of the 798 Art Zone influenced your life?” and “Have you considered relocating? If so, why or why not?”. The interviews were stopped when the results achieved the principle of saturation [51]. Thematic analysis was used to generate statements related to the impact of tourism gentrification from the transcripts of interviews. The researchers looked through the transcripts via a line-by-line process. The sentences related to the impact of tourism gentrification were highlighted. We stopped when the content of the remaining statements had become repetitive and finalized a total of 56 statements upon agreement among the researchers (see Appendix A).

The second step involved selecting a Q sample through expert consultation and participant debriefing. A Q sample refers to the representative statements chosen by the researchers from the initial Q statements [50]. In order to increase the validity and reliability and reduce researcher bias factors, three experts were consulted to enhance the clarity and accuracy of the expressions. Similar and unclear expressions were removed, resulting in the retention of 33 different statements. Previous participants were invited to discuss these statements and remove any controversial expressions that did not align with the actual situation. As a result, the finalized Q sample consisted of 26 statements (shown in

Table 1. Q sample.

No.	Q Sample
1.	The inhabitancy sanitation condition has gotten worse.
2.	There are no certain places for residents to hang out and find entertainment in the 798 Art Zone.
3.	Housing and infrastructure are old and run-down.
4.	People work nearby and visitors always park in the community.
5.	The living condition of the community is getting worse.
6.	House prices have risen significantly in residential areas.
7.	Competition for job opportunities is becoming increasingly fierce.
8.	The living cost has increased significantly.
9.	It is difficult for my relatives and me to find a job in the 798 Art Zone.
10.	Tourism development has not increased my income.
11.	Tourists seldom communicate with us except by asking for directions.
12.	Residents’ lives are often disturbed by tourists.
13.	The development of tourism resources has triggered an increase in local prices.
14.	Many familiar friends and colleagues have moved away.
15.	It is hard to make new friends because of the high population turnover.
16.	Many tenants are moving into the community.
17.	My children and relatives have moved from this community.
18.	The original appearance and functions of the industry have been changed in the 798 Art Zone.
19.	I do not feel safe due to the complex community.
20.	It is so noisy at night.
21.	The pride that this place once brought to me has disappeared.
22.	I cannot understand the shows and exhibitions in the 798 Art Zone.
23.	The sense of belonging is gradually lost.
24.	It is difficult for me to adapt to this fashionable atmosphere of the 798 Art Zone.
25.	The place where I used to work is becoming more and more strange.
26.	Service facilities in the community are relatively old.

below).

The subsequent step was P sample selection. Due to the recruitment difficulties during the pandemic, a convenience sampling strategy was employed. The criteria for the recruitment of participants were (1) familiarity with the industrial areas, (2) as residents living in the community, and (3) willingness to participate in the research. To diversify participants with various backgrounds, former factory workers, children of retired employees, and current workers in the 798 Art Zone were invited. Thus, 20 current residents of the Dashanzi community were recruited (see demographics in

Table 2. P sample demographics.

No.	Age	Gender	Occupation	Residential Status
1	Over 65	F	Retired worker	Local resident
2	Over 65	M	Retired worker	Local resident
3	26–45	F	Community shop owner	Local resident
4	46–65	F	Migrant worker	Long-term tenancy
5	Over 65	F	Retired worker	Local resident
6	26–45	F	Migrant worker	Long-term tenancy
7	Over 65	M	Retired worker	Local resident
8	Over 65	M	Retired worker	Local resident
9	26–45	F	Community shop owner	Long-term tenancy
10	Over 65	F	Retired worker	Local resident
11	46–65	F	Migrant worker	Short-term tenancy
12	Over 65	F	Children of retired employees	Local resident
13	46–65	F	Migrant worker	Long-term tenancy
14	Over 65	M	Retired worker	Local resident
15	Over 65	F	Retired worker	Local resident
16	46–65	F	Children of retired employees	Local resident
17	Over 65	M	Retired worker	Local resident
18	46–65	F	Migrant worker	Short-term tenancy
19	Over 65	F	Retired worker	Local resident
20	46–65	M	Community shop owner	Long-term tenancy

). They were chosen because they could provide diverse perspectives on historical changes, emotional attachment, and contemporary social impacts in the industrial areas, aligning with the requirements of Q methodology for various sample characteristics.

The last step was Q sorting, which was performed from 3 May to 10 May 2021. The researchers created 26 statement cards (classification cards), and the participants were asked to rank these cards in the Q sorting table. On the basis of their understanding of each statement, the participants first divided the cards into three groups: ‘Most agree’, ‘Neutral’, and ‘Most disagree’. Then they assigned a score to each card according to a normal distribution diagram from −3 to 3 (See Figure 2). Participants selected the two most favorable cards of statements from the ‘Most agree’ group and placed them in the 3-point category. Then, three cards were allocated to the 2-point category, and five cards were allocated to the 1-point tables based on the degree of agreement. Similarly, the participants sorted the statements into the ‘Most disagree’ group using the same criteria and placed them in the normal distribution scoring table. The remaining six cards formed the neutral group. Finally, the researchers asked all participants to explain their decisions regarding each statement to increase the reliability and accuracy of interpretation.

3.3. Data Analysis

The analysis process was performed using PQMethod (version 2.11), which calculated the correlation matrix among the Q sorting responses and indicated the degree of agreement or disagreement. The results provided a comprehensive sorting of statements and statistical validity for each factor. The correlation matrix was subjected to principal components factor analysis with orthogonal rotation to identify the underlying factors that accounted for the differences. The final analysis allowed for the identification of the Z-score for each statement for each factor. After the steps of factor rotation and scoring, the results were grouped into sets of statements and formed the basis for determining the dimensions of residents’ stress related to tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas.

4. Results

The Q factor analysis revealed four factors, resulting in a cumulative interpretation rate of 65.84%. The factor loading scores are shown in

Table 3. Factor loading matrix with an X indicating a defining sort.

Respondent	F1	F2	F3	F4
1	0.1301	0.0342	0.7332 X	0.0234
2	0.5355 X	0.0987	−0.0533	0.1555
3	0.0121	0.2348	0.2855	0.6155 X
4	0.2456	0.3125	0.1410	0.0222
5	−0.2928	0.1314	−0.0782	−0.2309
6	0.1486	0.7428 X	0.3888	0.3234
7	0.0215	0.0234	0.2676	0.2324
8	0.7244 X	0.1124	0.2686	−0.0560
9	0.2570	0.5432 X	0.3568	0.1038
10	0.4132	0.3133	0.0325	0.6790 X
11	0.4352	0.3523	0.6842 X	0.0832
12	0.1451	0.3122	0.1123	0.4321
13	0.7821 X	0.3376	0.0234	0.4229
14	−0.0123	0.5703 X	0.4344	0.4506
15	0.6491 X	0.0644	0.3221	0.1437
16	0.2267	0.1654	0.2094	0.3125
17	0.3784	0.3415	0.1099	0.5533 X
18	0.1344	0.0395	0.4323	0.6438 X
19	0.1218	0.2134	0.0432	0.2042
20	0.1451	0.3312	0.1309	0.1302
% Explained Variance	23	13	11	18

. These four factors were used to determine the factor load of each sample, where a factor load >1/√n × (2.58) was considered (n represents the number of Q samples) [52]. In this study, with n equal to 26, the factor load needed to be above 0.505, which met the criteria. Thus, through factor interpretation, the four factors were identified which represented residents’ perceptions of tourism gentrification in the 798 Art Zone, namely, neighboring environment, community attachment, economic interest, and cultural identity.

4.1. Factor 1: Neighboring Environment

The neighboring environment highlights the ecosystem and physical environment near the neighborhood. The distinguishing statements with their Z score are shown in

Table 4. Distinguishing statements with Z score.

Statement	Z-Score
Neighboring Environment
The inhabitancy sanitation condition has gotten worse.	2.362
There are no certain places for residents to hang out and find entertainment in the 798 Art Zone.	2.025
Housing and infrastructure are old and run-down.	1.524
People work nearby and visitors always park in the community.	1.227
The living condition of the community is getting worse.	1.036
I do not feel safe due to the complex community.	−1.536
Tourists seldom communicate with us except by asking for directions.	−1.233

. The challenges of tourism development and public space privatization are increasing. Residents who originally worked and lived in industrial areas are gradually excluded, leading to the loss of their former leisure gathering places and a negative impact on the living environment. Community health is deteriorating, so noise pollution and parking congestion profoundly affect residents. Interviewee 8, a retired employee of the former 718 factory, mentioned, “To be honest, the 798 Art Zone is a place where young people like to go. The older people cannot understand the art exhibition, and there is nothing for us to engage with. This place no longer feels like it belongs to us”. Most respondents shared negative attitudes toward the changes in the industrial areas and community environment, believing it has become less suitable for their residence. They believed that their quiet lives had been disturbed, reducing happiness. For instance, one respondent stated, “I am often asked for directions, and I am tired of it” (P13). Another respondent mentioned, “There are tricycles transporting tourists from the subway to central 798 Art Zone. They speed through the community very fast, which is a problem if they encounter elderly people in the community. Another is that the barbecue stores along the street are very noisy at night, so I cannot sleep at all. Some tenants in the corridor come back in the middle of the night and speak loudly in the hallway” (P15). Another concern was raised, “New people working in the 798 Art Zone will park in the community, so we do not have spaces to park and live” (P2). Despite most respondents having a negative perception of the tourism development in the industrial area, some believed that basic service facilities had been improved with regional improvement.

4.2. Factor 2: Community Attachment

The community attachment factor describes the emotional connections and identification within a particular community. The distinguishing statements with their Z score are presented in

Table 5. Distinguishing statements with Z score.

Statement	Z-Score
Community Attachment
Many familiar friends and colleagues have moved away.	2.014
It is hard to make new friends because of the high population turnover.	1.768
Many tenants are moving into the community.	1.436
My children and relatives have moved from this community.	1.412
The original appearance and functions of the industry have been changed in the 798 Art Zone.	1.232
I do not feel safe due to the complex community.	−1.775
It is so noisy at night.	−1.677

. Respondents believe that with the development of tourism, friends and neighbors have moved out of the community, leading to frequent population movement and difficulty forming new friendships. The tension in the community has led to increased feelings of alienation, distrust in social relationships, and a less harmonious atmosphere. As addressed by respondent 6, “After retirement, many people move away with their children and change to an affordable and improved living environment. Now the community is basically filled with old people and some tenants, and there are very few young generations”. Respondent 9 claimed, “Now, the community population is a mix of different kinds of people. I rarely have opportunities for communication with the neighborhood. The turnover of tenants is rapid”. Respondent 14 described, “My father is 86 years old. Many of his colleagues have moved away, so he has no company in the neighborhood. Thus, I came back from retirement to take care of him, and I used to play in the street as a kid, but now those streets are full of unfamiliar faces, even afraid to go out”. Some long-term residents agreed that the reason to stay was familiar colleagues and friends, indicating good social relations in the community.

4.3. Factor 3: Economic Interest

The economic interest factor explains the financial goals of economic activity. The distinguishing statements with their Z score are demonstrated in

Table 6. Distinguishing statements with Z score.

Statement	Z-Score
Economic Interest
House prices have risen significantly in residential areas.	1.746
Competition for job opportunities is being increasingly fierce.	1.112
The living cost has increased significantly.	1.026
It is difficult for my relatives and me to find a job in the 798 Art Zone.	1.013
Tourism development has not increased my income.	1.004
Tourists seldom communicate with us except by asking for directions.	−2.039
Residents’ lives are often disturbed by tourists.	−2.001

. The majority of respondents indicate that their families and local communities do not directly benefit economically from the 798 Art Zone. Instead, they face economic pressure from the high cost of living and increasing product prices. As argued by respondent 1, “After the transformation of the industrial zone into a famous art zone, it has become easy to rent apartments in our community. Thus, many residents rent out their apartments and leave the community. These apartments are old and small, but the rent is not cheap”. Most respondents agreed that tourism in the 798 Art Zone had led to an increase in local product prices and living costs. However, respondent 11 presented a different perspective, “The transformation of the industrial area into an art zone has provided valuable opportunities for learning and entertainment. It is better than tearing down the industrial area. Many fashion stars have visited the 798 Art Zone and taken photos at a gorgeous art wall. Sometimes, it is good to go and refresh myself with new experiences”.

4.4. Factor 4: Cultural Identity

The cultural identity factor emphasizes belonging to shared values, beliefs, traditions, heritages, etc. The distinguishing statements with their Z score are shown in

Table 7. Distinguishing statements with Z score.

Statement	Z-Score
Cultural Identity
The pride that this place once brought to me has disappeared.	2.014
I cannot understand the shows and exhibitions in the 798 Art Zone.	1.674
The sense of belonging is gradually lost.	1.223
It is difficult for me to adapt to this fashionable atmosphere of the 798 Art Zone.	1.115
The place where I used to work is becoming more and more strange.	1.012
Service facilities in the community are relatively old.	−1.467
The development of tourism resources has triggered an increase in local prices.	−1.335

. The respondents generally agree that tourism development elevates the reputation of the 798 Art Zone, but also erodes the essential spirit and culture, making the environment in this region unfamiliar and causing a loss of the sense of belonging. As stated by respondent 10, “I rarely go to the industrial zone side because it evokes an uncomfortable and strange feeling. I remember when the factory was prosperous, but now it feels decayed. The distinctive cultural atmosphere we once had has vanished. In fact, this factory used to be a source of great pride.” Another respondent, 18, expressed, “When the 798 Art Zone was developed initially, some friends invited me to take a tour. However, I no longer go there because commercialization has become too common, and there is a lack of appreciation for the arts”. Some respondents believed that the spirit and culture of this industrial zone had disappeared. Nevertheless, there were interviewees who maintained a positive attitude. As respondent 3 argued, “The industrial zone represents the memory of the past. The tree at the entrance of the gate was small when I started working there. Now, it has grown large, and seeing it brings back a lot of memories. We should accept the transformations in this industrial zone”. For many retired factory workers, the memories of the past associated with the industrial area are fading as the area undergoes changes.

5. Discussion

The process of tourism gentrification causes stress on the original residents which is multidimensional and profound. Drawing from the case of 798 Art Zone and analysis via Q methodology, the results can be generalized to suggest that residents’ stress stemming from tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas can be categorized into four dimensions: environmental, relational, economic, and emotional. Each dimension is explained in detail.

The environmental dimension refers to the environmental surroundings of those in close proximity to a specific area or community. It encompasses the physical, ecological, and social elements that influence and interact with the focal point, including buildings, transportation, shops, parks, air quality, noise level, garbage management, etc. Industrial buildings with distinct characteristics can carry spiritual comfort and satisfaction for residents who have worked and lived in the areas for their entire lives. The reconstruction of industrial regions often involves changes in housing conditions and architectural styles, incorporating creative, fashionable, and diversified elements. This reorganization of the spatial structure leads to the improvement of service facilities and the emergence of new businesses catering to visitors, such as clubs, bars, and art galleries. Local restaurants are often replaced by chain stores and brand restaurants, causing residents to gradually lose their entertainment venues and communal spaces and shifting local consumption patterns. These changes have adverse effects on the natural and material environment. Numerous scholars have explored the impact of environmental damage on residents’ relocation decisions [53]. Therefore, in line with previous studies, the environmental dimension is vital in influencing residents’ migration decisions.

The relational dimension can be described as the connections and identification that individuals or communities feel toward their local neighborhood or residential area. It signifies a sense of relationship, identity, and investment in the place where one lives. These connections in industrial areas encompass community relationships, collective bonds, social participation following transformation, place attachment, and emotional support. Acquaintances in industrial areas often mutually help each other to earn benefits, provide emotional support, and exchange valuable information. However, by changing these areas into tourist destinations, interpersonal connections become superficial and formalized. Residents become more individualized and find it challenging to establish new friendships and community cohesion. Thus, community attachment disappears, creating an atmosphere of alienation and distrust. This, in turn, reduces residents’ happiness and accelerates the gentrification process. The importance of factors (e.g., leisure spaces, service facilities, local norms, community reputation, and safety) should be emphasized from the perspective of resource allocation and collective function. Therefore, this study underscores the significance of considering the relational dimension in residents’ decisions to relocate.

The economic dimension concerns personal financial involvement in a situation, project, investment, or outcome. It signifies motivation by the potential for financial gain, benefit, or impact. As an essential interest group in industrial areas, residents’ attitudes and support are of great significance to the sustainable development of industrial tourism. However, in the process of tourism transformation, original factory workers often fail to participate in the economic growth or gain financial benefits. They become marginalized and gradually ignored. Residents’ economic benefits have received attention from scholars, such as job creation and business opportunities during the process of gentrification [54]. However, the stress related to rising house and product prices, living costs, and competitive employment opportunities should be highlighted. Particularly, the local atmosphere has shifted from the previous harmonious relationships to the current profit-oriented ambiance. As a result, the economic dimension plays an important role in residents’ movements.

The emotional dimension describes the emotional and psychological sense that individuals or groups feel within a particular culture and social group. It encompasses the shared values, beliefs, customs, traditions, languages, and social practices that shape a person’s self-concept within the industrial areas of their heritage. Traditional industrial regions have witnessed the unique development of modern industrialization. These areas are not only where people once lived and worked but also repositories of emotional memories and spiritual havens. During the tourism transformation process in traditional industrial areas, the social environment and cultural cognition undergo reshaping, significantly impacting local culture and residents’ identity. The carriers symbolic of industrial spirit and emotional nostalgia are damaged, negatively impacting the original culture. Residents with a strong sense of local identity are excluded from tourism development, leading to a reduced sense of belonging to the community. Consequently, the cultural dimension is critical in driving residents’ intentions to relocate.

Residents’ stress arising from the interactions with migrant workers and visitors in both industrial regions and communities is defined through the above four dimensions. Traditional industrial areas possess unique regional attributes, and the original residents closely connect to the industrial sites. Within the overlapping spaces of industrial regions and communities and influenced by the social environment shaped by both visitors and migrant workers, we propose a framework illustrating the impact of tourism gentrification on the relocation decisions of residents in traditional industrial areas (see Figure 3).

We argue that tourism gentrification is a process in which the primary beneficiaries of industrial areas gradually shift from residents to visitors. This shift puts pressure on original residents to relocate. It encompasses both material survival and psychological pressure. This stress is formed through changes not only in the physical environment and social relations but also in economic benefits and local culture. When residents experience the adverse effects of tourism development, they often face invisible pressures that push them toward moving away from the community. Those who choose to stay in the face of tourism gentrification are likely to endure stress from their communities, local businesses, public facilities, and modern services. This, in turn, results in areas becoming increasingly uninhabitable for original residents. Consequently, tourism gentrification significantly influences residents’ decisions to relocate.

6. Implications and Future Studies

6.1. Theoretical Implications

This study significantly contributes to the literature on tourism gentrification. It is the first to conceptualize tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas by elucidating the excessive stress that drives residents’ relocation decisions. Tourism gentrification is essentially a displacement resulting from the reconstruction of spatial functions and the transformation of service targets in industrial areas. In this process, conflicts between indigenous residents and visitors manifest in various forms, such as the privatization of public spaces, the commodification of consumer facilities, the touristification of public services, the loss of social bonds in communities, the commodification of regional consumption, and the rejection of a tourist-dominant social culture. These factors collectively contribute to increased stress among residents, motivating them to consider relocating. The gentrification of businesses driven by tourism gradually reduces residents’ reliance on local shops for their daily needs, leading residents to withdraw from their original spatial domains. This shift raises residents’ stress and changes their roles as service providers in the broader sense. Consequently, this study enhances our comprehensive understanding of tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas from the perspective of residents.

Furthermore, this study proposes a conceptual framework for understanding residents’ perceptions of tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas. Employing Q methodology, the study highlights the origin of residents’ stress in four dimensions: environmental, relational, economic, and emotional. These pressures often arise from interactions with migrants and visitors. Traditional industrial areas possess unique features, serving as repositories for residents’ emotional memories, living and working spaces, and social settings. Hence, residents’ stress can also stem from changes in the functions of the industrial areas, shifting from the previous workplaces to current tourism destinations. The relationship between workplaces and the community has gradually become isolated, serving as a catalyst for relocation decisions in the context of tourism gentrification. Therefore, this framework elucidates the intricate phenomenon of relocation from traditional industrial areas, which enriches the literature on tourism gentrification and fills the gap regarding the revival of industrial tourism.

6.2. Managerial Implications

Understanding the stress experienced by residents due to tourism gentrification in traditional industrial areas can provide practical guidance to policymakers and destination managers seeking to mitigate negative impacts and promote social justice and harmony. Tourism development in such areas should aim to address the challenges posed by the high degree of overlap between local daily life and the tourism experience. In the formulation of tourism policies and regulations, it is imperative to recognize the viewpoints and attitudes of community residents toward tourism development. Local residents have strong affection and loyalty to their areas, entitling them to participate in the entire process of tourism development and implementation, given that these decisions directly affect their quality of life. For these reasons, the objectives should be the fair distribution of spaces and resources to minimize the potential negative consequences of tourism gentrification. The process of tourism transformation should align with the diverse demands of all stakeholders in traditional industrial areas.

More importantly, it is acknowledged that tourism gentrification may negatively impact the local residents. Increased housing prices often lead to the displacement of indigenous populations and exacerbate social class differentiation and spatial isolation. Residents should play a vital role in tourism activities and reap the benefits of tourism achievements. Therefore, policymakers should realize that it is necessary to establish and enhance the relevant social security systems, provide employment guidance, and diversify tourism activities to assist residents in being more involved in the transformation. For example, monthly regular seminars can invite residents, operators, and staff to explore ways to promote and collaborate among local businesses. Increasing residents’ participation rates and reinforcing the construction and maintenance of the living environment can benefit all stakeholders and enhance place recognition in traditional industrial areas.

Ultimately, local cultural and industrial heritage are invaluable resources for tourism development. In the reconstruction and revival of traditional industrial areas, it is recommended that policymakers formulate regulations to protect heritage, such as historical buildings and activities related to intangible culture. Destination managers must consciously preserve the local culture, industrial heritage, and ecological system. For instance, traditional industrial areas can allocate spaces for small industrial museums or exhibitions that showcase their illustrious history and cultural stories, honoring workers and commemorating significant events. These types of initiatives can provide opportunities for retired workers to find re-employment and enhance residents’ sense of belonging and pride. Nurturing residents’ sense of local pride and cultural consciousness, effectively influencing visitors and migrants, will attract more visitors and promote the sustainable development of industrial tourism.

6.3. Limitations and Future Studies

This research primarily focuses on the case of the 798 Art Zone, which represents the traditional industrial areas undergoing tourism development. This particular case embraces tourism development through a creative approach involving art and fashion with unique characteristics. However, it is essential to recognize that other traditional industrial areas may pursue tourism development in different ways, such as industrial recreational playgrounds or historical theme parks. Moreover, it is essential to acknowledge that tourism gentrification is a long-term and dynamic process, with each stage presenting unique characteristics and issues related to tourism development. To gain a comprehensive understanding, future research should delve into the distinct phases of gentrification via different means of tourism development, considering the perspectives of various stakeholders.