Research

14 pages, 317 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Moses and Christ in the Wilderness Narrative: Transformation of Religious Traditions in 1 Cor 10

by Sin Pan Ho

Religions 2023, 14(7), 906; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14070906 - 13 Jul 2023

Viewed by 1388

Unlike Islam, Judaism and Christianity, religions in antiquity were non-confessional and lacked moral instructions for worshippers. Patron–client associations seemed to depict gods-worshipper relations in Paul’s time. In this paper, I argue that Paul in 1 Cor 10:1–4 uses both his former religious traditions [...] Read more.

Unlike Islam, Judaism and Christianity, religions in antiquity were non-confessional and lacked moral instructions for worshippers. Patron–client associations seemed to depict gods-worshipper relations in Paul’s time. In this paper, I argue that Paul in 1 Cor 10:1–4 uses both his former religious traditions and those of the first audience, Jews and non-Jews, to convince them about his novel God–Christ patron–covenant theology. Paul abruptly introduced Moses (10:2), spiritual food/drink (10:3–4a) and Christ (10:4b) into the classic Jewish wandering story in the wilderness to delineate his anti-idol rhetoric throughout 1 Cor 10. Paul paradoxically warned the first audience against their idol-worshipping lifestyles by utilising and transforming Jewish Shema worship into a binitarian God–Christ covenantal relation, and idol-worship traditions to the only patron family god of the Christ-follower community. Paul’s rhetorical purpose of (re)introducing the concept of God as Moses’ God and Christ as an anti-idol polemic is a coherent theme throughout 1 Cor 10 and probably throughout 1 Cor 11–14. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

14 pages, 705 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Traditional Conflict Management: How Early Interpreters Address Paul’s Reference to Those Baptized for the Dead (1 Corinthians 15:29)

by J. David Stark

Religions 2023, 14(6), 772; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060772 - 12 Jun 2023

Viewed by 861

Abstract

Modern scholars often understand 1 Cor 15:29 as a clear reference to the baptism of living individuals as proxies for the departed. Yet before or at the time of 1 Corinthians, there appears to be no evidence for this practice or a similar [...] Read more.

Modern scholars often understand 1 Cor 15:29 as a clear reference to the baptism of living individuals as proxies for the departed. Yet before or at the time of 1 Corinthians, there appears to be no evidence for this practice or a similar one. A reasonable explanation for its emergence, therefore, is that the tradition derives from 1 Cor 15:29, rather than giving rise to it. Consequently, 1 Cor 15:29 supplies a unique opportunity to see how Paul’s earliest interpreters navigated the conflict between the emergent proxy baptism tradition and others they had inherited. Responses varied from acceptance (Marcion) to tolerance (Ambrosiaster) to rejection (Tertullian, Didymus, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Eznik) of proxy baptism as being what 1 Cor 15:29 describes. Adopters of proxy baptism found support in Paul for breaking with prior tradition and interpreted 1 Cor 15:29 as a basis for creating a new tradition that fit a distinctive need in their community. By contrast, those who tolerate or reject the proxy baptism interpretation do so by considering both 1 Cor 15:29 and Paul himself as more thoroughly situated within existing prior traditions that rule out proxy baptism. These different responses illustrate the complex interplay between Paul and the conflicting traditions through which his letters have been and continue to be received. These responses also surface key features of the interplay between conflict and tradition, whether that conflict occurs within explicitly religious spheres or not. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

12 pages, 679 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Yeṣer ha-Raʻ and Original Sin

by Matthew Wade Umbarger

Religions 2023, 14(6), 733; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060733 - 01 Jun 2023

Viewed by 1827

Abstract

Many modern rabbis insist that original sin was invented by St. Paul, and that it does not have a Jewish antecedent. Instead, rabbinic Judaism explains human evil in terms of “yeṣer ha-raʻ,” “the evil inclination.” But evidence from Second Temple period [...] Read more.

Many modern rabbis insist that original sin was invented by St. Paul, and that it does not have a Jewish antecedent. Instead, rabbinic Judaism explains human evil in terms of “yeṣer ha-raʻ,” “the evil inclination.” But evidence from Second Temple period wisdom and apocalyptic literature suggests that ideas like Paul’s were indeed common in certain quarters of Jewish thought in the first century. Paul’s doctrine of original sin draws from an assortment of Old Testament texts. What seems novel in Romans 5 is essentially an aspect of his apocalyptic vision. Rabbinic texts from the Mishnah onwards intentionally suppress this apocalyptic account of original sin. Instead of original sin, rabbinic doctrine posits the yeṣer ha-raʻ as the explanation for human wickedness. This is an innate aspect of human nature. But it is something that good discipline, and especially the practice of Torah, can amend. Some aspects of Pauline teaching actually run parallel to these later texts pertaining to the yeṣer ha-raʻ, as well. In particular, his use of sarx seems to be a theological cognate to this concept of an evil inclination. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

11 pages, 787 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Jerusalem as the Central Place for Paul and Acts

by Eyal Regev

Religions 2023, 14(6), 713; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060713 - 29 May 2023

Viewed by 1374

Abstract

In Galatians 1–2, Paul mentions several times that the apostles’ leadership is situated in Jerusalem. In Gal 2:1–2, he even designates it simply as “Jerusalem”. Paul acknowledges the centrality of the apostles in Jerusalem in his enterprise of the collection of the money [...] Read more.

In Galatians 1–2, Paul mentions several times that the apostles’ leadership is situated in Jerusalem. In Gal 2:1–2, he even designates it simply as “Jerusalem”. Paul acknowledges the centrality of the apostles in Jerusalem in his enterprise of the collection of the money for the saints in Jerusalem. Yet, the city is transformed into central theological concepts in Paul’s distinction between “the present Jerusalem” and “Jerusalem above” (Gal 4:25–26). Thus, despite his debates with Peter and James, Paul not only accepts that the early Christian leadership dwells in Jerusalem, but he also designates the center of the Jesus movement as “Jerusalem”. This means that the holiness of the city, its prophetic heritage, and messianic hopes as reflected in the Hebrew Bible are associated with the apostles’ community. Quite a similar picture is found in the narrative of the Acts of the Apostles. Jerusalem is mentioned in Acts fifty-nine times. Luke refers to the name of the city time and again, stressing that the apostles act and live in Jerusalem, that Paul comes to the city, and that other events happen there. Yet, the oft-repeated references to Jerusalem in Acts go far beyond accurate geographic descriptions. In Acts, the author stresses that the Jesus movement operates in/from the Jewish holy center, which accords the movement legitimacy as a Jewish movement. Jerusalem is “the place” of the apostles’ community. The community of apostles is identified with the city, as if they are Jerusalem. In a sense, Luke follows Paul (and most probably the apostles’ community) in associating the origin and center of the Jesus movement with Jerusalem. This association may be explored in light of the theory of place (which is related to the general theory of space or spatial theory). The apostles identify with Jerusalem to show other believers in Jesus that they are the leaders and center of the Jesus movement. It is an act of domination. At the same time, they claim to be “Jerusalem” while being persecuted. Hence their self-association with the city is also an act of resistance. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

23 pages, 446 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Wisdom (Not) of This Age: Paul’s Education from His Letters to the Early Acts

by Jonathon Lookadoo

Religions 2023, 14(6), 712; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060712 - 28 May 2023

Viewed by 1384

Abstract

This article takes up the matter of Paul’s education and explores it within the Roman world of education. In order to do this, the article draws upon and contributes to reception historical studies of Paul. More specifically, the article illustrates the flexibility of [...] Read more.

This article takes up the matter of Paul’s education and explores it within the Roman world of education. In order to do this, the article draws upon and contributes to reception historical studies of Paul. More specifically, the article illustrates the flexibility of Paul’s education as it is described in his letters, the Acts of the Apostles, and the Acts of Paul. While Paul downplays his education in several autobiographical statements within his letters, his letters nevertheless suggest that Paul received a high level of education. The Acts of the Apostles further contributes to an early Christian portrayal of Paul as an educated figure by giving readers a Paul who speaks eloquently and presents a controversial message that can be narrated with reference to both Jewish scripture and to Graeco-Roman philosophy. The Acts of Paul presents Paul as a persuasive speaker, but the speeches contained within this narrative are generally of a more concise nature. On the other hand, the Acts of Paul presents Paul as a writer who can read and respond eloquently to highly disputed queries from other groups of believers. These texts coalesce in depicting a Paul who is well educated, but they differ in their depictions of how his education was evident in his life. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

13 pages, 276 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Racial Significance of Paul’s Clothing Metaphor (Romans 13:14; Galatians 3:27; Ephesians 4:24; Colossians 3:10)

by Rodolfo Galvan Estrada III

Religions 2023, 14(6), 684; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060684 - 23 May 2023

Viewed by 2197

Abstract

This essay proposes a new interpretation of the Pauline expression to “clothe” (ἐνδύω) oneself in Christ (Rom 13:14; Gal 3:27; Eph 4:24; Col 3:10). The phrase has been understood in terms of putting on virtues and godly characteristics. Other understandings of this phrase [...] Read more.

This essay proposes a new interpretation of the Pauline expression to “clothe” (ἐνδύω) oneself in Christ (Rom 13:14; Gal 3:27; Eph 4:24; Col 3:10). The phrase has been understood in terms of putting on virtues and godly characteristics. Other understandings of this phrase appear in terms of a new identity (Gal 3:27). There has been relatively limited study, however, on the significance of clothing and how different racial groups were known and characterized by their dress. Clothing was not just something that one “puts on” to protect the body from the elements or analogously understood in terms of adopting virtues. Clothing was a racial signifier, and the putting on or taking off of clothing signaled a racial transformation. The ability to “put on clothes” would have been understood in terms of the malleable nature of racial identity. By drawing on the insights of Herodotus, Aeschylus, Plutarch, and other Greek and Roman writers, this reading proposes a racial interpretation of Paul’s “clothing” phrases in Romans 13:14, Galatians 3:27, Ephesians 4:24, and Colossians 3:10. This essay explores the interpretation of these Pauline passages in contemporary scholarship, describes how the changing of clothing also signified a change of racial identity, and lastly, demonstrates how these insights can impact our understanding of the Pauline expression to “clothe oneself in Christ”. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

22 pages, 900 KiB

Open AccessArticle

“Our Freedom in Christ”: Revisiting Pauline Imagery of Freedom and Slavery in His Letter to the Galatians in Context

by Albert L. A. Hogeterp

Religions 2023, 14(5), 672; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050672 - 18 May 2023

Viewed by 1480

Abstract

The Letter to the Galatians is a polemical correspondence about the course of gospel mission that is at stake in the view of the apostle Paul. When Paul represents his own contacts with the Jerusalem church, he defends “our freedom which we have [...] Read more.

The Letter to the Galatians is a polemical correspondence about the course of gospel mission that is at stake in the view of the apostle Paul. When Paul represents his own contacts with the Jerusalem church, he defends “our freedom which we have in Christ Jesus” (Gal 2:4). In his aim to focus on the unity of all in Christ, Paul even goes at lengths to state that there is no difference between slave and free (Gal 3:28), while polemically associating both a former state of unbelievers (Gal 4:8) and the emphasis by missionary opponents on circumcision and the covenant of the law (Gal 4:12–31) with bondage and slavery. Yet, what did freedom (ἐλευθερία, Gal 2:4) and its opposite, slavery (δουλεία, Gal 4:24, 5:1), exactly mean in the ancient world in which Paul and his readers lived and communicated? Jews, Greeks, and Romans did not necessarily mean the same by these terms, nor did freedom necessarily mean exactly the same as modern conceptions of the term. This paper aims to contextualize Paul’s imagery with a view to biblical traditions, early Jewish notions of freedom, and Graeco-Roman registers of discourse, taking into account historical, literary, linguistic, and rhetorical-critical contexts of interpretation and revisiting the language of freedom and slavery with a view to insights from linguistic anthropology. The paper then revisits the Pauline position of “freedom in Christ” in relation to previous hypotheses of Paul’s gospel mission. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

20 pages, 833 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Holy War in Corinth: The Apocalyptic Background of Paul’s Struggle against Opponents in 2 Cor 10:3–6

by Marcin Kowalski

Religions 2023, 14(5), 630; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050630 - 08 May 2023

Viewed by 1532

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to explore what kind of light apocalyptic eschatology can shed on our understanding of Paul’s argumentation in 2 Cor 10–13. The focus is on 2 Cor 10:3–6, where Paul, using the topos of holy war, describes [...] Read more.

The purpose of this article is to explore what kind of light apocalyptic eschatology can shed on our understanding of Paul’s argumentation in 2 Cor 10–13. The focus is on 2 Cor 10:3–6, where Paul, using the topos of holy war, describes his struggle against the opponents in Corinth. The apostle elaborates on a biblical theme, which also appears in Jewish apocalyptic texts, such as 1QM and T. 12. Patr. Comparing 2 Corinthians with this literature allows us to see certain similarities: the performative nature of 2 Cor and 1QM; the radical division into the servants of light and the servants of darkness; the active participation of Belial/Satan in the present warfare, and the belief in the absolute defeat of the evil spirit at the end of time, combined with the gift of peace and the universal reign of the Messiah. There are also significant differences between Paul on the one hand, and 1QM and T. 12. Patr. on the other: the lack of dualism of the cosmic type and a non-violent nature of Paul’s struggle, resulting from the fact that the apostle imitates the meek and clement Christ. Ultimately, the apocalyptic eschatology sharpens Paul’s rhetoric, strengthens his authority in Corinth and enhances the weight of his appeals to the community, upon the acceptance of which the salvation of believers depends. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

15 pages, 497 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Stoic Reading of Internal Obedience in Romans 1:18–2:29

by Laurie A. Wilson and Isaac D. Blois

Religions 2023, 14(5), 579; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050579 - 26 Apr 2023

Viewed by 1362

Abstract

Romans 1:18-2:29 connects with Stoic philosophy in a way that would be unmistakable to a Gentile audience. While acknowledging the Hellenistic tone of the passage, this paper focuses on the Stoic elements of natural law that were broadly recognized in Rome. Particularly, Cicero’s [...] Read more.

Romans 1:18-2:29 connects with Stoic philosophy in a way that would be unmistakable to a Gentile audience. While acknowledging the Hellenistic tone of the passage, this paper focuses on the Stoic elements of natural law that were broadly recognized in Rome. Particularly, Cicero’s speeches, rhetorical handbooks, and philosophical treatises provide a comprehensive account of the connections between Hellenistic philosophy and Roman law and declamation. Although no direct evidence exists to show that Paul had read Cicero, these texts reveal the culture of the Roman Christians to whom Paul was writing. Key concepts of natural law appear in Romans that contextualize Paul’s message on internal obedience in 2:27-29, although he reworks them. Paul emphasizes spirit ‘πνεῦμα’ as the generating force of obedience. Two interpretations of πνεῦμα echo Stoic perspectives as the intent opposed to the letter of the law and as the inward motivation of the person obeying the law. The third interpretation as a foreshadowing of the Holy Spirit would be new for Paul’s Roman audience. This paper demonstrates that by incorporating Stoic elements on natural law, Paul presents the central significance of internal obedience in a way that would be understandable to his Christ-believing auditors and readers in Rome. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

13 pages, 614 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Pauline Pseudepigrapha and Early Christian Literacy: Are the Clues Hidden Right in Front of US?

by Justin P. Paley

Religions 2023, 14(4), 530; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14040530 - 14 Apr 2023

Viewed by 1639

Abstract

Within Biblical scholarship, there have been a limited number of studies which examine ancient literacy and education in relation to the production of the Deutero-Pauline letters. When such topics are addressed together, the discussions rarely go beyond some generalities, and this article seeks [...] Read more.

Within Biblical scholarship, there have been a limited number of studies which examine ancient literacy and education in relation to the production of the Deutero-Pauline letters. When such topics are addressed together, the discussions rarely go beyond some generalities, and this article seeks to partly address that gap. Literacy rates in the Greco-Roman world, of which the earliest Christians were a part, are universally agreed to be significantly lower than modern literacy rates, with most estimates being between 5 and 15%. This fact, coupled with the limited number of Christians by the end of the first and the beginning of the second century CE, should be taken more seriously when considering how the Deutero-Pauline literature came to be produced and, eventually, circulate with other authentic Pauline letters. In short, this article will argue that when the realities of the educational landscape of the New Testament world are taken in conjunction with what we know about textual production, early Christian communities and leadership structures, there is a plausible argument to be made that those who were responsible for at least some of the Deutero-Pauline letters may be hiding in plain sight. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

14 pages, 384 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Yonder Man and the Hypocrite in Seneca’s Epistle 59 and Paul’s Letter to the Romans

by Joseph R. Dodson

Religions 2023, 14(2), 235; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14020235 - 09 Feb 2023

Viewed by 1435

Abstract

Scholars have long recognized how Romans 1–2 is replete with resonances of Stoic traditions as they have referred to specific similarities in Seneca’s writings and the impact on the interpretation of the letter. Nevertheless, a significant parallel to Paul’s polemic against his fictitious [...] Read more.

Scholars have long recognized how Romans 1–2 is replete with resonances of Stoic traditions as they have referred to specific similarities in Seneca’s writings and the impact on the interpretation of the letter. Nevertheless, a significant parallel to Paul’s polemic against his fictitious opponent in Rom 2:17–24 has been neglected, namely, Seneca’s invective in Epistle 59. There, the Stoic calls out the “yonder man,” who harms others despite being known as “most gentle”; who robs others despite being considered “most generous”; and who engages in drunkenness and lust despite his reputation of being “most-temperate.” This parallel is also relevant because, like that of Romans 2, the larger context of Epistle 59 also regards human depravity. Therefore, in this article, I will seek to buttress the conclusions from scholars regarding how well Romans 2 aligns with passages from Seneca. I will also aim to show, however, that—in contrast to Paul—Seneca shows solidarity with his interlocutor by recognizing his own shortcomings. Hence, while the similarities help scholars understand how Stoic traditions impact the creation and interpretation of Romans, the convergence between Epistle 59 and Romans 2 also highlights their great divergence. Thus, while the comments in Epistle 59 support the arguments regarding Stoic influence in Romans, the parallels remind the scholar that even as Paul draws upon Stoic ideas and rhetorical devices to deride his interlocutor, he would also consider himself and his fellow believers as not only distant from the likes of the pretentious yonder man but from the humble hypocrisy of Seneca too. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

14 pages, 540 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Kinship and Leadership in 1 Timothy: A Study of Filial Framework and Model for Christian Communities in Asia Minor

by Daniel K. Darko

Religions 2023, 14(2), 169; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14020169 - 29 Jan 2023

Viewed by 1425

Abstract

This essay examines the kinship framework and lexemes in the directives for leadership in 1 Timothy, aiming to curb the influence of false teachers and to bolster internal cohesion in the communities. It explores the author’s appeal to household conduct, natural and fictive [...] Read more.

This essay examines the kinship framework and lexemes in the directives for leadership in 1 Timothy, aiming to curb the influence of false teachers and to bolster internal cohesion in the communities. It explores the author’s appeal to household conduct, natural and fictive kinship, and group dynamics couched in filial parlance vis-à-vis the undisputed Pauline letters. The study sheds light on the authorial framework, and suggests that the notion of a departure from ‘love-patriarchalism’ or egalitarian Paul developing later into hierarchical kinship framework in 1 Timothy may be misleading. It becomes apparent that the letter’s kinship lexemes are consistent with what we find in the undisputed letters. Thus, the pseudonymous author, an associate of Paul, does not appeal to or use kinship lexemes any differently from the undisputed letters or elsewhere in Greco-Roman discourse. This does not establish Pauline authorship, but suggest that the notion that the kinship lexemes reflect an elevated hierarchical institutional development in a post-Pauline era, that is uncharacteristic of Paul in the authorship debate, may need to be reconsidered if not revised. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Biblical Texts and Traditions: Paul’s Letters)

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